query: farc is a guerrilla army operating primarily in what country

pos: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army (, FARC–EP and FARC) was a guerrilla movement involved in the continuing Colombian armed conflict from 1964 to 2017. It was known to employ a variety of military tactics in addition to more unconventional methods, including terrorism. The FARC–EP was formed during the Cold War period as a Marxist–Leninist peasant force promoting a political line of agrarianism and anti-imperialism. The operations of the FARC–EP were funded by kidnap and ransom; illegal mining; extortion or taxation of various forms of economic activity and the taxation, production and distribution of

pos: History of FARC History of FARC The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC–EP) is a Marxist–Leninist revolutionary guerrilla organization based in Colombia, which is involved in the ongoing Colombian armed conflict. FARC–EP is a peasant army which has proclaimed itself as a revolutionary agrarian, anti-imperialist Marxist–Leninist organization of Bolivarian inspiration. It claims to represent the rural poor in a struggle against Colombia's wealthier classes, and opposes United States influence in Colombia (e.g. Plan Colombia), neo-imperialism, monopolization of natural resources by multinational corporations, and paramilitary/government violence. Following the murder of populist politician Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, in 1948, large-scale violence broke out in what became

pos: Military structure of the FARC–EP rear line fighters below that age limit have been captured by the Colombian Army or occasionally have deserted. The table below compares the ranks in the FARC–EP with traditional ranks of the Colombian army for a better understanding of the ranks in the FARC–EP after the changes made in the 1982 Seventh guerrilla conference. Traditional Army Rank followed by FARC–EP Rank: A FARC company is a lower level of command (the traditional FARC company consists of only 48 men) than a company in traditional army organisation. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia's chain of command is divided as follows: The

pos: Antonio García (ELN commander) Antonio García (ELN commander) Antonio García "nom de guerre" of Eliécer Erlington Chamorro Acosta (born 10 January 1956 in Mocoa, Putumayo Department), one of the main commanders of the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (usually abbreviated to ELN), or National Liberation Army. The ELN is a revolutionary, Marxist, insurgent guerrilla group that has been operating in several regions of Colombia since 1966. Less known than the FARC, it is estimated to be smaller, having between 3,500 and 5,000 armed personnel. It is said that Jacobo Arenas (the "nom de guerre" of Luis Morantes), a founder and ideological leader of the FARC-EP,

pos: Humanitarian exchange Humanitarian exchange The Humanitarian Exchange or Humanitarian Accord () referred to a possible accord to exchange hostages for prisoners between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla group and the Government of Colombia. The President of Colombia Álvaro Uribe and the FARC conditioned the agreement, which was primarily pushed by the families of the victims, certain Colombian politicians and numerous governments that include France and Venezuela. After years of combat in the Colombian armed conflict the FARC guerrilla group kidnapped numerous government officials, politicians and military and police personnel to pressure the release of their comrades jailed by the

pos: Military history of South America in other parts of South America. In Peru, the Shining Path movement launched a Maoist guerrilla campaign from the countryside, starting a war which has still not entirely concluded today, with a significant loss of life. In Colombia, the 1960s Communist guerrilla organization the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People's Army, or FARC, enjoyed a resurgence in the 1980s with the advent of drugs money. The war between the Colombian armed forces and FARC is ongoing; according to the Colombian government, as of 2008, FARC had an estimated 6,000-10,000 members, down from 16,000 in 2001, having lost about half

pos: History of FARC "The guerrilla war is history ... At this moment in Latin America, an armed guerrilla movement is out of place". On November 4, 2011 Colombian forces successfully attacked a FARC base in the jungle of the Cacua Department during "Operation Odysseus" killing FARC leader Alfonso Cano. On November 15, 2011 FARC publicly named Timoleón Jiménez, also known as "Timochenko", as the new leader of FARC's seven-member governing secretariat. History of FARC The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC–EP) is a Marxist–Leninist revolutionary guerrilla organization based in Colombia, which is involved in the ongoing Colombian armed conflict. FARC–EP is a peasant

pos: Los Rastrojos the guerrilla groups FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia) and ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) in the southern Cauca department. Currently, the Rastrojos have an agreement with the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional - ELN) for several years in the departments of Cauca and Nariño. More recently they obtained a similar agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC) in other parts of the country. In both cases, these alliances give the Rastrojos direct access to coca base, which provides them the raw material to convert into cocaine at very cheap

pos: Patriotic Union (Colombia) Colombia gave the UP its political status back, facilitating its members to run for office. According to internal FARC documents from the group's 1982 Seventh Guerrilla Conference, the FARC originally intended for the creation of a group of clandestine party cells to be its political branch for recruitment and ideological propaganda purposes, while simultaneously maintaining its armed strength intact, at least initially, as part of the "combination of all forms of struggle". In theory, as the FARC developed a new form of army structure (the "People's Army", "Ejército del Pueblo" or EP), it would eventually be able to surround the

pos: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia illegal drugs. The United Nations has estimated that 12% of all killings of civilians in Colombian conflict were committed by FARC and National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrillas, with 80% committed by right-wing paramilitaries, and the remaining 8% committed by Colombian security forces. The strength of the FARC–EP forces were high; in 2007, the FARC said they were an armed force of 18,000 men and women; in 2010, the Colombian military calculated that FARC forces consisted of about 13,800 members, 50 percent of whom were armed guerrilla combatants; and, in 2011, the President of Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, said that FARC–EP

pos: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia that until these conditions surfaced, the armed revolutionary struggle would remain necessary to fight against Colombia's elites. The FARC–EP said it would continue its armed struggle because it perceived the Colombian government as an enemy because of historical politically motivated violence against its members and supporters, including members of the Patriotic Union, a FARC–EP-created political party. Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army (, FARC–EP and FARC) was a guerrilla movement involved in the continuing Colombian armed conflict from 1964 to 2017. It was known to employ a variety of military tactics in addition to

pos: Colombia–Venezuela relations the five anti-tank rockets were stolen when the Colombian guerrilla group FARC attacked a military post in 1995 and took the armaments. However, Colombian newsweekly "Revista Semana" reported that the attack on the Venezuelan outpost in 1995 was actually carried out by the National Liberation Army (ELN) instead of FARC and that Chávez could not explain how the weapons would have passed from one guerrilla group to another. In addition, former Venezuelan military personnel denied that the rockets in question were ever present in the outpost. The 2010 Colombia-Venezuela diplomatic crisis was a diplomatic stand-off between Colombia and Venezuela over

pos: Joint Task Force OMEGA Campaign on December 10, 2006 to support the Plan Consolidación. During an operation on July 15, 2007 in the jungles of Colombia by the Colombian National Army soldiers pertaining to the 17th Counter-Guerrilla Battalion 2nd Mobile Brigade, localized a FARC campsite in the village of Montañitas, in the municipality of Mesetas, Meta Department and after a confrontation with members of FARC's 42nd Front, soldiers found on the body of one the guerrillas named José Nerup Reyes Peña and presumed leader of that front, hard discs and USB drives containing information about members of the FARC guerrilla infiltration in the JTF

pos: Víctor Julio Suárez Rojas Víctor Julio Suárez Rojas Víctor Julio Suárez Rojas (2 January 1953 – 22 September 2010) — a.k.a. Jorge Briceño Suárez a.k.a. Mono Jojoy — was a high-ranking member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), a Colombian guerrilla organization. He was second-in-command to Alfonso Cano and top military commander. Suárez Rojas commanded the Eastern Bloc of the FARC and was a member of the FARC Secretariat. His "nom de guerre" was Jorge Briceño Suárez; to the Colombian army he was known as Mono Jojoy (mono is the word for monkey in Spanish, but it also means cute/pretty in Spain,

pos: Jorge Enrique Rodríguez Jorge Enrique Rodríguez Jorge Enrique Rodríguez Mendieta known by his nom de guerre Iván Vargas (born c. 1963) is a Colombian guerrilla leader member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP), former commander of the 24th Front of the Middle Magdalena Bloc of the FARC-EP. Vargas was arrested in late 2004 in the city of Bucaramanga by Colombian authorities and extradited to the United States on November 3, 2007 on charges of narcotrafficking. Vargas began his activities with the FARC in 1987 as an aide of the FARC's Secretariat and in 1989 military intelligence of the Colombian Army reported

pos: Martín Caballero Martín Caballero Gustavo Rueda Díaz, known by his nom de guerre Martín Caballero, was a Colombian guerrilla leader, member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and commander of the 37th Front Caribbean Bloc of the FARC-EP that operates in Caribbean Region. He was killed in action by the Colombian Army after a military operation on October 25, 2007. Colombian authorities wanted him on charges of rebellion, extortion, terrorism, first degree murder, armed assault, assault and battery and kidnapping among others. Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos described his death as the "most important" blow against FARC in 2007. In

pos: Alfonso Cano soon moved to the mountains to join the guerrilla soldiers, but instead of active combat he was sent to Casa Verde, the headquarters of the FARC commanders, in La Uribe (Meta), where he was recognized as an intellectual and as such was part of a number of peace dialogues with the government. His main role was to encourage the growth of the Coordinadora Guerrillera Simón Bolívar, a movement to join all guerrillas operating at the time in Colombia. With communism's collapse in Europe in 1989, Cano argued that the Soviet model had failed, and the FARC should develop its own

pos: 1999–2002 FARC–Government peace process 1999–2002 FARC–Government peace process The FARC-Government peace process (1999–2002) (), from January 7, 1999, to February 20, 2002, was a failed peace process between the Government of President Andrés Pastrana Arango and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla group in an effort to bring to an end the ongoing Colombian armed conflict. The FARC began their rebel activities in the early 1960s during the National Front years in which bipartisan hegemony controlled and held political power. In an effort to exterminate the armed guerrilla movements the Colombian government aided by the United States launched an attack to destroy

pos: Crime and violence in Latin America a Colombian army checkpoint than an illegal guerrilla roadblock. Colombia registered a homicide rate of 24.4 per 100,000 in 2016, the lowest since 1974. The 40-year low in murders came the same year that the Colombian government signed a peace agreement with the FARC. Violent crime is rampant in El Salvador, in 2015 the homicide rate peaked at 105 homicides per 100,000 residents. In 2016, the rate decreased by 20%, but El Salvador continues to be one of the world's most dangerous countries. As of March 2012, El Salvador has seen a 40% drop in crime due to what the

pos: Mauricio Jaramillo reports by Colombian intelligence, Parra is considered to be a mobile guerrilla leader, without a base camp, moving continuously to visit the different guerrilla fronts. He participated in the guerrilla assaults on the towns of Mitú and Miraflores. Mauricio Jaramillo Jaime Alberto Parra (born 1952) known as El Médico or Wilson Valderrama Cano a former high-ranking guerrilla commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), also known as "El Médico" (the medic). Parra became a member of the FARC Secretariat in March, 2008, replacing Iván Ríos. According to reports by Colombian authorities, Parra was responsible for the set up

pos: National security of Colombia spent as much as $32 million on infrastructure, education, agricultural development and governance by 2014. According to the International Crisis Group, the plan "appears to be having a positive impact, especially in marginalized communities with little or no state presence". Two major guerrilla organizations, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—FARC) and the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional—ELN), plus a smaller Popular Liberation Army (Ejército Popular de Liberación or EPL) group continue to be active. In 1996–98 the FARC and ELN extended their presence in the national territory and scored some strategic gains against

pos: Crispiniano Quiñones Quiñones designed to fight the increasing threat of FARC and other guerrilla groups, and a founding member of the Aviation Brigade of the Colombian Army. On February 27, 2000, three members of the Teofilo Forero column of FARC, entered a commercial establishment where then-retired Crispiniano Quiñones was conducting private business and shot him in the head repeatedly. The assassins then escaped and reported to their commander, known as "Geovanni" that the mission in La vega had been accomplished. The recording was intercepted by units of the National Police of Colombia. "Geovanni" was, according to intelligence reports of the Colombian Army the

pos: "False positives" scandal and top army chief General Jaime Lasprilla had formerly headed units that committed extrajudicial killings. In July 2016, President Santos rejected the report's claims that high military commanders had escaped punishment for extrajudicial killings. At the same time, he dismissed General Jaime Alfonso Lasprilla, marine commander Admiral Hernando Wills, and air force commander General Guillermo León. "False positives" scandal The "false positives" scandal ("Escándalo de los falsos positivos" in Spanish) was a series of murders in Colombia, part of the armed conflict in that country between the government and guerrilla forces of the FARC and the ELN. Members of the

pos: Iván Márquez Iván Márquez Luciano Marín Arango, aka "Iván Márquez" (born 1955 in Florencia, Caquetá) is a former Colombian guerrilla leader, member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), part of its secretariat higher command and advisor to the Northwestern and Caribbean blocs. He was part of the FARC negotiators that concluded a peace agreement with the Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos. Marín Arango joined the Colombian Communist Party's youth wing in 1977. He later joined a support network for the FARC guerrilla group. Luciano Marín Arango, adopting the alias "Iván Márquez", became a political commissar for FARC's 14th Front in

pos: Iván Márquez leading to his arrest and/or conviction Iván Márquez Luciano Marín Arango, aka "Iván Márquez" (born 1955 in Florencia, Caquetá) is a former Colombian guerrilla leader, member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), part of its secretariat higher command and advisor to the Northwestern and Caribbean blocs. He was part of the FARC negotiators that concluded a peace agreement with the Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos. Marín Arango joined the Colombian Communist Party's youth wing in 1977. He later joined a support network for the FARC guerrilla group. Luciano Marín Arango, adopting the alias "Iván Márquez", became a political

pos: Guerrilla movements in Colombia This group established in reaction to the claimed fraud that happened during the presidential elections in 1970. Armed peace period (1982-1985) In 1984 the former president of Colombia Belisario Betancur signed a ceasefire with the FARC and M-19. This ceasefire only lasted for a year, even though the armed forces of the Colombian government tried to make it last longer. The FARC and M-19 ended the ceasefire in a different way, on different dates. FARC getting stronger (1986-1999) The FARC grew bigger and stronger and eventually became the biggest and best organised guerrilla movement of Latin-America. In 1986 there were

pos: Colombian conflict in the country years ago. In the early period (1974–1982), guerrilla groups like the FARC, the ELN and others focused on slogan of greater equality through communism, and they came to have support from some local people. However, the balance of power and influence shifted in the mid-1980s when Colombia granted greater political and fiscal autonomy to local governments, strengthening the position of the Colombian Government in more remote regions of the country. In 1985, the FARC co-created the left-wing Patriotic Union (UP) political party. Eventually, the UP distanced itself from insurgent groups. However, right-wing paramilitaries apparently linked to the

pos: Yolanda Pulecio hostages, as well as not collaborating on achieving a possible humanitarian exchange of prisoners for hostages between the government and the FARC guerrilla. When senator of Colombia, Piedad Cordoba and President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez were named as facilitators by the government of Álvaro Uribe, Pulecio supported their initiatives alleging that they had achieved in a few months what had not been done in 5 years of the kidnapping of her daughter. Regardless, they were not able to secure her release. After the rescue of her daughter in "Operación Jaque" Operation Jaque (carried out by the Colombian army via an

pos: Colombian conflict Grumman and 11 Colombian military and police. Two FARC members were arrested. This trick to the FARC was presented by the Colombian government as a proof that the guerrilla organisation and influence is declining. On October 26, 2008, after 8 years of captivity, the ex-congressman Óscar Tulio Lizcano escaped with the assistance of a FARC rebel he convinced to travel with him. Soon after the liberation of this prominent political hostage, the Vice President of Colombia Francisco Santos Calderón called Latin America's biggest guerrilla group a "paper tiger" with little control of the nation's territory, adding that "they have really

pos: Fabián Ramírez a reward of up to US$2.5 million for information leading to his arrest and/or conviction of him. It was believed that Ramirez was killed in an air strike against a FARC camp in November 2010 although the army could not confirm his death nor locate his body. Ramirez's survival was confirmed in July 2012 when he appeared in an interview with British journalist Karl Penhaul. Fabián Ramírez Jose Benito Cabrera Cuevas also known as Fabian Ramirez (born July 6, 1963) is a Colombian former guerrilla leader and member of the higher command of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

pos: Plan Patriota other crimes, took place in the area. Plan Patriota Plan Patriota (In English, "Patriot Plan") is military plan developed by the Government of Colombia with the financial support of the Government of the United States in an effort to uproot the guerrilla groups in Colombia, more specifically the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). The plan is part of the government of President Álvaro Uribe's democratic security doctrine. The plan is also intended to get military presence to the most remote areas of Colombia, where the guerrilla had enclaves, and enable the introduction of

pos: Plan Patriota Plan Patriota Plan Patriota (In English, "Patriot Plan") is military plan developed by the Government of Colombia with the financial support of the Government of the United States in an effort to uproot the guerrilla groups in Colombia, more specifically the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). The plan is part of the government of President Álvaro Uribe's democratic security doctrine. The plan is also intended to get military presence to the most remote areas of Colombia, where the guerrilla had enclaves, and enable the introduction of social programs. Some analysts consider the plan

pos: Romaña (guerrilla leader) Romaña (guerrilla leader) Henry Castellanos Garzón aka "Romaña" is a former Colombian guerrilla commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. Castellanos Garzón was a member of the Estado Mayor and the Commander of several Eastern Bloc of the FARC-EP fronts. According to the United States government, Castellanos Garzón has been involved in drug trafficking for the FARC since the mid-1980s. The US alleges he participated in setting and implementing the FARC’s cocaine policies directing and controlling the production, manufacture, and distribution of hundreds of tons of cocaine to the United States and Europe; the "taxation" of the drug trade

pos: Guerrilla movements in Colombia First generation (1964- mid 70s) One of the first guerrilla movements was the FARC, established in 1966 as a reaction to the National Front. The FARC was a communist movement that grew out of a rural defense group, who believed they could bring social justice through communism. Their first leader was Manuel <nowiki>"Sureshot"</nowiki> Marulanda. Another guerrilla movement, the ELN, was established in the early 60s by students who got their ideas from the revolution in Cuba. Second generation (1974-1982) In the 1970s multiple guerrilla movements emerged in Colombia. One of these groups was the 19th of April Movement, the M-19.

pos: Martín Caballero of Maria La Baja, Bolívar Department, in which the insurgents assaulted a farm, threatened the workers, demanded a ransom and stole some 140 cattle. Under his orders insurgents also attacked numerous farms with the same strategy also extorting agricultural producers throughout the region. Martín Caballero Gustavo Rueda Díaz, known by his nom de guerre Martín Caballero, was a Colombian guerrilla leader, member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and commander of the 37th Front Caribbean Bloc of the FARC-EP that operates in Caribbean Region. He was killed in action by the Colombian Army after a military operation on

pos: Daniel Barrera Barrera Omar Barrera. His brother was gunned down a few months after being in Guaviare for what he took revenge and respect among the other drug dealers in the region. On February 7, 1990 Barrera was arrested on drug charges by Colombian authorities. After a few months, in October of that same year Barrera escaped from prison. According to Colombian authorities, Barrera was a key associate of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in drug retail and distribution. Barrera was an associate of alias "Negro Acacio" a renowned guerrilla commander involved in the illegal drug trade business for the FARC.

pos: 1999–2002 FARC–Government peace process the "Marquetalia Republic" a guerrilla enclave in central Colombia. After this attack the FARC guerrilla retreated to isolated or poor government presence areas and began establishing a parallel state governed by them. The guerrillas began extorting and kidnapping landowners and assaulting local agrarian banks ("Caja Agrarias"). During the 1980s and 1990s the Colombian drug cartels had increased their power and in some cases had hired the guerrillas such as the FARC and ELN guerrillas to protect illicit cultivations from the government forces. The most powerful of the cartels; the Medellín and Cali Cartels had engulfed in a war with the

pos: Southern Bloc of the FARC-EP citizen from Carchi Province. Ecuador denounces the recruitment of Ecuadorean minors into the ranks of Colombia's FARC guerrilla group. Around 50 to 100 militants form this front that operates in the Cauca and Caquetá Departments. Also known as the Timanco Front, up to 70 militants form it. It operates mostly in the Huila Department. As of 2013, at least 220 specialized militants form this powerful group that operates mostly in the Huila Department and the Caquetá Department, with much urban activity around the country. According to the Colombian newspaper "El Tiempo", the Yesid Ortiz Mobile Column was created by fusing

pos: Great Alliance for Change of the coalition was the peace negotiation with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) guerrilla during the first three years of government. Pastrana faced a lot of criticism for giving the FARC guerrilla a large demilitarized area in El Caguan without almost any concessions in favor of the government or Colombians. The guerrilla, in contrast, used the area to strengthen militarily as a base for their illegal drug trade expansion and to gain international support. Great Alliance for Change The Great Alliance for Change () was a political alliance between parties in Colombia during the Colombian presidential election, 1998

pos: Rodrigo Granda Rodrigo Granda Ricardo González also known as Rodrigo Granda is a Colombian Venezuelan, former member of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). He serves as international spokesman of the guerrilla organization. His name became well-known because of the events that began on December 13, 2004 when he was captured in Venezuela by Colombian intelligence officials with extra-official support from Venezuelan police, and clandestinely transported to the Colombia-Venezuela border in Cúcuta where Colombian authorities legalized his capture. He had been in Caracas, Venezuela participating in a conference in representation of the FARC guerrilla, organization for which Granda is an international spokesman,

pos: Colombian conflict of United States-backed strong anti-communist repression in rural Colombia in the 1960s that led liberal and communist militants to re-organize into FARC. The reasons for fighting vary from group to group. The FARC and other guerrilla movements claim to be fighting for the rights of the poor in Colombia to protect them from government violence and to provide social justice through communism. The Colombian government claims to be fighting for order and stability, and seeking to protect the rights and interests of its citizens. The paramilitary groups claim to be reacting to perceived threats by guerrilla movements. Both guerrilla and

pos: Mauricio Jaramillo Mauricio Jaramillo Jaime Alberto Parra (born 1952) known as El Médico or Wilson Valderrama Cano a former high-ranking guerrilla commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), also known as "El Médico" (the medic). Parra became a member of the FARC Secretariat in March, 2008, replacing Iván Ríos. According to reports by Colombian authorities, Parra was responsible for the set up of medical facilities in the middle of jungle for the FARC, as well as setting up medical and sanitation training for FARC combatants. He was also the personal doctor of ailing FARC commander Manuel Marulanda. According to a

pos: Southern Bloc of the FARC-EP the Putumayo Department. The group is very active in the border with Ecuador and was suspected of sheltering Raúl Reyes before his death in a Colombian cross border raid on 01 March 2008. On September 19, 2010, the National Police reported the death of more than 20 guerrilla combatants from this front. On November 15, 2010, 17 body of suspected FARC members were recovered after Colombia Forces carried out a bombing in FARC 48th front. Two suspected member were children, probably kidnapped by FARC: 12-year-old Jimmy Lee, a Colombian refugee in Ecuador, and 15-year-old Doris Carolina Cadena Benarcazar, an Ecuadorian

pos: Jhon Frank Pinchao Jhon Frank Pinchao Jhon Frank Pinchao Blanco (born 1970) is a Colombian policeman with the rank of subintendent who was kidnapped by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla group after Farc's attack on the town of Mitú, Vaupés Department on November 1, 1998. He escaped in 2007. The attack on Mitú lasted 12 hours until the policemen ran out of ammunition, then FARC took over the town for 3 days. Pinchao was among the approximately 60 policemen taken as hostages. During the FARC-Government peace process (1999-2002) the Colombian government brokered a deal with the FARC and all of

pos: Marquetalia Republic being FARC-EP. The Seventh Guerrilla Conference was a turning point in the FARC's struggle, as it provided them the opportunity to fine-tune their policies and plans in order for them to build their desired socialist state in the future. The FARC's Conferences, as seen by Marxists and Leninists, can be interpreted as similar to the International conferences previously held in Europe with the participation Karl Marx, Fredrick Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Today the FARC-EP is considered the oldest guerrilla group in the world. They continue to carry out attacks in various parts of Colombia. Marquetalia Republic "Marquetalia Republic"

pos: Marcos Calarcá Marcos Calarcá Luis Alberto Albán Burbano a.k.a. "Marcos Calarcá" or "Marco León Calarcá" is a Colombian former guerrilla member and spokesperson of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Calarca gained notoriety internationally when the Colombian government asked the Mexican government to shut down a legally authorized office of the FARC in Mexico City for their violent activities in Colombia and their support network in Mexico. Calarca was a spokesperson for the FARC in Mexico from 1993 until 2002. His wife (Amparo Victoria Torres) and two sons live in Canada. Amparo Victoria Torres is the sister of a.k.a. "Pablo Catatumbo,"

pos: Rodrigo Granda Díaz told reporters that Granda can't be removed from the electoral registry at this time, but that he is not allowed to vote due to an administrative objection from 2005. In 2014 the latest negotiations Rodrigo Granda tells that the FARC was not finance its operation with drugs, ironically there are many probes that the Colombian Guerrillas and mostly the FARC manage a Drug dealing business. Rodrigo Granda Ricardo González also known as Rodrigo Granda is a Colombian Venezuelan, former member of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). He serves as international spokesman of the guerrilla organization. His name became

pos: Colombian conflict of the country. On December 22, 2009, FARC rebels raided the home of Provincial governor Luis Francisco Cuéllar, killing one police officer and wounding two. Cuellar was found dead the following day. On January 1, 2010, Eighteen FARC rebels were killed when the Colombian Air Force bombed a jungle camp in Southern Colombia. Colombian troops of the elite Task Force Omega then stormed the camp, capturing fifteen FARC rebels, as well as 25 rifles, war materials, explosives, and information which was given to military intelligence. In Southwestern Colombia, FARC rebels ambushed an army patrol, killing a soldier. The troops then

pos: Ciudad Perdida Spanish conquest. Ciudad Perdida consists of a series of 169 terraces carved into the mountainside, a net of tiled roads and several small circular plazas. The entrance can only be accessed by a climb up some 1,200 stone steps through dense jungle. The area is now completely safe but was at one time affected by the Colombian armed conflict between the Colombian National Army, right-wing paramilitary groups and left-wing guerrilla groups like National Liberation Army (ELN) and Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). On September 15, 2003, ELN kidnapped eight foreign tourists visiting Ciudad Perdida, demanding a government investigation into

pos: Jacobo Arenas the same policies the FARC claims to fight against. While the FARC attack was aimed at the town's police station, the level of collateral damage and the lack of concern for civilian suffering even among a population clearly not on the side of the government earned the guerrillas condemnation from many on the Left. Jacobo Arenas Jacobo Arenas ("nom de guerre" of Luis Alberto Morantes Jaimes, 23 January 1924 – 10 August 1990) was a Colombian guerrilla leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia ("Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia", FARC). He was also one of the FARC figures involved

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia the FARC and the clandestine sister groups had partly shifted strategy from guerrilla warfare to "a war of militias", meaning that they were increasingly operating in civilian clothes while hiding amongst sympathizers in the civilian population. In early January 2011 the Colombian army said that the FARC has some 18,000 members, with 9,000 of those forming part of the militias. The army says it has identified at least 1,400 such militia members in the FARC strongholds of Valle del Cauca and Cauca in 2011. In June 2011 Colombian chief of staff Edgar Cely claimed that the FARC wants to "urbanize

neg: Colombian conflict killed at least 460 members of the security forces, while wounding more than 2,000. By early 2011, Colombian authorities and news media reported that the FARC and the clandestine sister groups have partly shifted strategy from guerrilla warfare to "a war of militias", meaning that they are increasingly operating in civilian clothes while hiding amongst sympathizers in the civilian population. In early January 2011, the Colombian army said that the FARC has some 18,000 members, with 9,000 of those forming part of the militias. The army says it has "identified" at least 1,400 such militia members in the FARC-strongholds of

neg: Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP cities, as opposed to only remote rural areas, and closer to areas rich in natural resources, in order to create a strong economic infrastructure. It was also at this conference that FARC added the initials "EP", for ""Ejército del Pueblo"" or "People's Army", to the organization's name. Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP The Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP, was a 1982 meeting of FARC leadership which resulted in a major shift in FARC's strategy. FARC had historically been doing most of its fighting in rural areas, and was limited to small-scale confrontations with Colombian military forces. By 1982,

neg: Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP The Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP, was a 1982 meeting of FARC leadership which resulted in a major shift in FARC's strategy. FARC had historically been doing most of its fighting in rural areas, and was limited to small-scale confrontations with Colombian military forces. By 1982, increased income from the "coca boom" allowed them to expand into an irregular army, which would then stage large scale attacks on Colombian troops. They also began sending fighters to Vietnam and the Soviet Union for advanced military training. They also planned to move closer to middle-sized

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP language was also taught to many members of U.S. forces in the region. From the perspective of Arenas, the challenge of having to potentially face the most technologically advanced military in the world made upgrading FARC's own military capabilities a necessity. The role of Jacobo Arenas in FARC's military reorganization was significant. After the Seventh Guerrilla Conference in 1982, Arenas started to work toward the goal of turning the FARC from a guerrilla organization to a rebel army (the "People's Army"). According to his instructions, FARC added ranks and badges to many of its uniforms, as well as introducing a

neg: Alfonso Cano February helicopter attack. This attack on Cano took place on the border of the two departments of Tolima and Valle del Cauca, rainy weather hampering the effort. Cano was shot and killed by army forces on 4 November 2011 in the southwestern Cauca Department in what the Colombian government dubbed "Operation Odysseus." President Juan Manuel Santos confirmed his death on television, claiming the Colombian army dealt the FARC "the biggest blow in the history" of the guerrilla organization. The FARC leader's death came months after he fled his stronghold in the south of Tolima, being pursued by armed forces since.

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia of dialogue, a letter written by a group of Colombian intellectuals (among whom were Nobel laureate Gabriel García Márquez) to the Simón Bolívar Guerrilla Coordinating Board was released denouncing the approach taken by the FARC–EP and the dire consequences that it was having for the country. In the early 1990s, the FARC–EP had between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters, organized into 70 fronts spread throughout the country. From 1996 to 1998 they inflicted a series of strikes on the Colombian Army, including a three-day offensive in Mitú (Vaupés department), taking a large number of soldiers prisoner. On 23 September 1994, the

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP real life warfare, before progressing to the next level. To achieve its military goals, the FARC considered that they must have properly trained fighters similar in capability to Colombian Army counter guerrilla units, which were trained by U.S. Special Forces, to supplement the limited strength of their guerrilla force. Newly recruited guerrilla fighters had to follow a two months basic military training program that is different from the physical training (PT) programs. The basic training consists of having to identify firearms and getting used to specific models and their physical operation, such as the Russian AK-47 and U.S. M16 assault

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia the war. I don't agree with that." On 7 March at the Cumbre de Rio, Chavez stated again that the FARC–EP should lay down their arms "Look at what has happened and is happening in Latin America, reflect on this (FARC-EP), we are done with war ... enough with all this death". On 8 June Chavez repeated his call for a political solution and an end to the war, "The guerrilla war is history ... At this moment in Latin America, an armed guerrilla movement is out of place". On 2 July 2008, under a Colombian military operation called Operation

neg: Colombian conflict through the area), Manuel Marulanda managed to escape the army cordon. Unlike the rural FARC, which had roots in the previous Liberal peasant struggles, the ELN was mostly an outgrowth of university unrest and would subsequently tend to follow a small group of charismatic leaders, including Camilo Torres Restrepo. Both guerrilla groups remained mostly operational in remote areas of the country during the rest of the 1960s. The Colombian government organized several short-lived counter-guerrilla campaigns in the late 1950s and early 1960s. These efforts were aided by the U.S. government and the CIA, which employed hunter-killer teams and involved U.S.

neg: National security of Colombia promises and intense pressure from the Army has left half of the recruits the FARC had at the start of the decade. Calculations point 7,000 members, and each day more guerrilla fighters demovilize and leave FARC. The Uribe government has rejected the guerrilla demands for prisoner exchanges and demilitarized zones as a precondition for peace talks. By 2004 stepped-up government actions against the guerrillas with the help of significant U.S. military aid had kept the guerrillas mostly withdrawn into the countryside, while government efforts to improve the economy and reduce cocaine production were showing results. Although it is generally believed

neg: Jorge Enrique Rodríguez that Vargas was a guerrilla instructor in the "Escuela Nacional de Cuadros de las FARC" (a guerrilla training school of the FARC) in Casa Verde. In 1991 Vargas was made guerrilla commander of the 22nd Front of the FARC-EP, part of the Eastern Bloc of that organization. He was also a member of the Estado Mayor, the FARC's operational leadership council. The following year, in 1992 Vargas was sent to Vietnam to receive training in guerrilla tactics and ordnance and explosives training. Upon his return he was made commander of the 24th Front of the FARC-EP and commander of the

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP new inventory system for firearms and ammunition, in addition to providing new weapons and technology for FARC militants. In theory, a properly organized and trained guerrilla army would thus meet the international requirements for the recognition of a "state of belligerence", contained within the Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949 and its additional protocols. FARC considers that it lives up to this, and therefore argues that it has been accepted as a legitimate army, in particular during negotiations with different Colombian governments. Their opponents and the Colombian government claim that the practice of civilian kidnapping for ransom and the tax

neg: Colombian peace process of Defence and military commanders to cease the bombing of FARC camps for a month. 11 soldiers were killed in a FARC ambush in the Cauca on April 15, a crisis which threatened the future of the peace process and left many bewildered as to the reasons why the FARC had seemingly sabotaged the de-escalation process. The FARC negotiators in Havana justified the attack saying that the army had been advancing with reinforcements against a guerrilla camp, and denounced 'premeditated attacks' by the military but deplored the loss of life and reiterated their demands for a bilateral ceasefire. President Santos

neg: History of FARC that "If I were a guerrilla, I wouldn't have the need to hold a woman, a man who aren't soldiers ... Free the civilians who don't have anything to do with the war. I don't agree with that.". On March 7 at the Cumbre de Rio, Chavez stated again that the FARC–EP should lay down their arms "Look at what has happened and is happening in Latin America, reflect on this (FARC–EP), we are done with war ... enough with all this death". On June 8 Chavez repeated his call for a political solution and an end to the war,

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP posture. In 1966, the FARC was formally created as a slightly enlarged guerrilla entity (estimated at a total of 350 members divided in six guerrilla fronts) that continued to engage in this type of operations, additionally placing a greater political emphasis in openly revolutionary aims. Still, during the 1970s the FARC kept a low profile by staying inside its traditional heartland areas, while newer guerrilla groups, such as the 19th of April Movement, appeared and achieved a greater degree of national influence as well as a more active urban presence. The Seventh Guerrilla Conference in 1982 represented a significant change

neg: Efraín Guzmán Martinez killed in combat by the Colombian Army. From this day on he changed his alias to "Efraín Guzmán". In the Eighth Conference of the FARC Guzman was officially incorporated into the FARC's Secretariat (Higher Command) and was assigned to the Caribbean Bloc of the FARC-EP. According to El Tiempo Guzman had a son named Élmer Caviedes who was also part of the FARC, with the alias of "Albeiro Córdoba". Efraín Guzmán Noel Matta Matta-Guzmán also known by his nom de guerre Efraín Guzmán (c. 1937 – 2002) was a Colombian guerrilla leader, founding member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces

neg: Embraer EMB 314 Super Tucano that aims to dismantle FARC´s structure, both militarily and financially. It targets FARC leadership and is focused on eliminating the 15 most powerful economic and military fronts. During at Operacion Faraón, at the dawn of 21 March 2012, five Super Tucanos bombarded the FARC´s 10th Front guerrilla camp in Arauca, near the Venezuelan border, killing 33 rebels. Five days later, in Operation Armagedón, nine Super Tucanos from Apiay Air Base attacked the FARC´s 27th front camp in Vista Hermosa, Meta, using coordinates received from a guerrilla informant recruited by the police intelligence, launching 40 guided 500-lb bombs within three minutes,

neg: Jhon Frank Pinchao the low ranking policemen held as hostages were freed. The FARC did not release seven high-ranking officers, including Pinchao. In July 2003 the FARC allowed a journalist, Jorge Enríque Botero, to interview them. After that, Pinchao was not seen again until after his escape in 2007. According to the Colombian Army, the guerrilla commander in charge of the hostages was Gerardo Aguilar Ramírez, aka "César," Commander of the Southern Bloc's 1st Front and member of the Central Command of the FARC. In a televised interview with Caracol TV, Pinchao partially narrated his quest to freedom. He mentioned that while in

neg: Mitú Its main activity was the rubber trade for food, clothing and fuel. After being for a time a township, in 1963 Mitú became the capital of the Vaupés Commissary (Comisaria). In 1974, it was made municipality and in 1991 it became the capital of the new created department. In November, 1998 an estimated 1,900 FARC guerrilla members of the Eastern Bloc of the FARC-EP tried to take over the town by force, against 120 National Police members and one Colombian National Army Battalion. The Colombian Air Force and Army Aviation supported ground forces with air raids. Mitú was left partially

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia core of FARC, which later grew in size to hundreds of fighters. In 1982, FARC–EP held its Seventh Guerrilla Conference, which called for a major shift in FARC's strategy. FARC had historically been doing most of its fighting in rural areas, and was limited to small-scale confrontations with Colombian military forces. By 1982, increased income from the "coca boom" allowed them to expand into an irregular army, which would then stage large-scale attacks on Colombian troops. They also began sending fighters to Vietnam and the Soviet Union for advanced military training. They also planned to move closer to middle-sized cities,

neg: Colombian conflict mayoral candidates winning twenty-three municipalities and their congressional ones gaining fourteen seats (five in the Senate, nine in the lower Chamber) in 1988. According to journalist Steven Dudley, who interviewed ex-FARC as well as former members of the UP and the Communist Party, FARC leader Jacobo Arenas insisted to his subordinates that the UP's creation did not mean that the group would lay down its arms nor a rejection of the Seventh Conference's military strategy. Pecáut states that new recruits entered the guerrilla army and its urban militia units during the period, also claiming that FARC did not stop kidnapping

neg: Alfonso López Caballero of the government's negotiators during the peace process with the FARC communist guerrillas. During the peace negotiations he earned the respect and the trust of the top members of the guerrilla group, mainly due to his clarity, his understanding of the country and its politics, and more importantly, to the sincerity and openness with which López Caballero faced the multiple discussions . Earning this recognition from the FARC was seen as quite remarkable by some commentators given that López Caballero was clearly a representative of the political, social and economic elite of the country . Going against his father's ideas

neg: Colombian conflict March and June 2008, "The guerrilla war is history...At this moment in Latin America, an armed guerrilla movement is out of place". On February 2008, FARC released four others political hostages "as a gesture of goodwill" toward Chávez, who had brokered the deal and sent Venezuelan helicopters with Red Cross logos into the Colombian jungle to pick up the freed hostages. On March 1, 2008, the Colombian armed forces launched a military operation 1.8 kilometres into Ecuador on a FARC position, killing 24, including Raúl Reyes, member of the FARC Central High Command. This led to the 2008 Andean diplomatic

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia army troops prepared to launch a rescue operation, Lizcano escaped alongside one of his guerrilla guards who had decided to desert. The two men hiked through the rain forest for three days and nights until they encountered an army patrol. Speaking from a clinic in the western city of Cali, Mr Lizcano said that when soldiers saw him screaming from across a jungle river, they thought he was drunk and ignored him. Only when he lifted the FARC–EP rebel's Galil assault rifle did the soldiers begin to understand that he was escaping from the FARC–EP rebels. "They jumped into the

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP in outlook, as the FARC changed its structure to better suit the needs of an ambitious rebel army (the initials -EP, "Ejército del Pueblo", or "People's Army", were added to the group's name), for the purposes of increasing its recruitment and financing, as well for eventually achieving an international "status of belligerence" in its fight against the more numerous forces of the Colombian state's security apparatus. After these developments, eventually many U.S. and other military experts considered that the FARC's Manuel Marulanda Vélez, as a veteran guerrilla fighter and as an efficient commander for four decades, was able to lead

neg: Operation Christmas a 30% increase from the previous year. Following the success of Operation Christmas, Operation Rivers of Lights was developed a year later. Using the Colombian Army Radio Service, people across the country with a friend or relative who was a guerrilla were encouraged to write them a Christmas letter. The letters were encased in floating balls illuminated with a blue LED and sent adrift down rivers that the insurgents were known to use. 180 guerrillas surrendered while the operation was active. Of note was the surrender of 10 insurgents and their commander, a FARC commander and bomb maker. They also

neg: Jacobo Arenas medical student. Arenas admired Che Guevara and started his life as a revolutionary due to similar realizations, first through his experiences in the Colombian Communist Party (PCC) and finally in the FARC. Arenas is credited for helping to lay the foundation for the FARC's organizational structure and promoting its later development into what is usually considered as one of the strongest and longest lasting Marxist guerrilla movements in the world. To implement the policy of "standing steadily", he taught FARC members in several subjects, such as anthropology, international military law and counter techniques for any changing situation. Jacobo Arenas died

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP levied on coca crop buyers makes it an illegitimate army and point to a wide rejection of the guerrilla policies in national surveys. There are assassinations of opponents and forced displacements inflicted on the general population by all the forces involved in the Colombian Armed Conflict that makes the belligerence status claim harder to accept. This is further complicated by the coca eradication efforts of the Colombian government that involve US support and have led to the declaration of the FARC being a terrorist organization by the United States government and the European Union. Some of the reforms implemented by

neg: Timoleón Jiménez Miller Chacon. 'Timochenko' took over the FARC leadership in November 2011 from Alfonso Cano after the leader was killed by the Colombian army. With more than 30 years of guerilla war experience and a reputation of being a ruthless military commander he "has widespread respect among the rank-and-file, particularly the hardliners that form the core of the rural fighters". According to the Colombian Air Force his alias is referring to Soviet Marshal Semyon Timoshenko. Before assuming the leadership of the guerrilla group, Timochenko was one of the commanders of the Middle Magdalena Bloc of the FARC-EP and was thought to

neg: Fernando Tapias Stahelin narco-guerrilla FARC. Tapias had to develop a strategic plan to restructure the armed forces to face the specific crisis and frictions the army had while at war in the middle of peace negotiations. Through this process, General Tapias led a vigorous internal purification in the armed forces that had the support of the other force commanders and the government. All this process contributed to improving substantially the affected relationships the country had had with the United States not too long earlier. During the presidential term of Andres Pastrana, the law 508 was passed on July 29, 1999, approving, according to

neg: Patricia Poleo openly offered his services to negotiate between the FARC and the government in an effort to release those kidnapped, but denied knowing about the whereabouts of Betancourt. On 31 January 2002, the seat of the journal "Así es la noticia" was attacked with an explosive tossed by two persons on a motorcycle, a day after she published a video about conversations between the Venezuelan Army and the Colombian guerrilla FARC along with the director of the newspaper, Ibéyise Pacheco, and journalists Marta Colomina, and Marianella Salazar. Two months later the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a protection measure for

neg: Colombian peace process the agreements with the guerrilla. On November 16, the FARC kidnapped General Rubén Darío Alzate, commander of the Joint Task Force Titán; Alzate was the first general to be captured by the guerrilla in the history of the armed conflict. President Santos ordered government negotiators not to travel to Havana until the hostages were released, while the FARC mostly highlighted the political implications of the kidnapping and used it to insist on the need for a bilateral ceasefire. Through mediation, facilitated by the guarantor countries and the International Red Cross, General Alzate was released by his FARC captors on November

neg: A Ton of Luck four soldiers in the Colombian Army who are part of a counter-guerrilla unit dedicated to ferreting out revolutionaries who have set up camp in the nation's jungles. Porras is married and a dedicated family man, while the others are single and like to party hard when they are not on duty. The four soldiers visits a brothel in a nearby town in the battalion, in the above mentioned place the soldiers initiate a muss because of Perlaza's obsession towards an attractive prostitute known as Dayana (Verónica Orozco). The next day the soldiers firing anti-guerrilla combat against a FARC front which

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia "Tirofijo", or Sureshot, in 2008. The "international spokesman" of the organization was Raúl Reyes, who was killed in a Colombian army raid against a guerrilla camp in Ecuador on 1 March 2008. Cano was killed in a military operation on 4 November 2011. FARC–EP was open to a negotiated solution to the nation's conflict through dialogue with a flexible government that agreed to certain conditions, such as the demilitarization of certain areas, cessation of paramilitary and government violence against rural peasants, social reforms to reduce poverty and inequality, and the release of all jailed (and extradited) FARC–EP rebels. It said

neg: Julio César Turbay Ayala odds with some of Uribe's policies, however, in particular due to Turbay's activism in favor of the implementation and negotiation of a prisoner exchange with the FARC guerrilla group. As part of this effort, Turbay participated in several meetings with the relatives of FARC hostages and signed several declarations of support, together with other former presidents such as Alfonso López Michelsen and Ernesto Samper Pizano. On August 31, 2005, Turbay proposed that the government could exchange each jailed guerrilla for 10 "economic" hostages (those held for extortion purposes) and one "political" hostage (those held by the FARC in order to

neg: Colombian peace process limits to both soldiers and guerrilla, would surround each zone. The FARC would designate a group of 60 members to travel throughout the national territory in performance of tasks related to the peace agreement; likewise, within each zone, a group of 10 members of the guerrilla would travel within the municipality and department for the same reasons. The UN would collect and store all weapons received from the FARC, which would later be used to build three monuments. The guerrilla would surrender their weapons gradually in three phases over 180 days from the signature of the final agreement, and the

neg: History of FARC Coordinating Board (CNG). This group evolved in 1987 into the Simón Bolívar Guerrilla Coordinating Board (CGSB), which led negotiations between the numerous guerrilla groups and the government. While the CGSB did achieve some of its goals, its success was very limited. The CGSB's initiative led to the successful peace process with the M-19. The FARC–EP and ELN, on the other hand, decided to continue their struggle. During this period, the Colombian government continued its negotiations with the FARC–EP and other armed groups, some of which were successful. Some of the groups which demobilized at this time include the (EPL, the

neg: Tanja Nijmeijer with a nephew of FARC leader Víctor Julio Suárez Rojas. In Autumn 2012, she was named as a member of the FARC delegation in the negotiations with the Colombian government in Oslo. She is charged with terrorism in the United States for allegedly participating in the kidnapping of three American citizens. If found guilty she would face up to 60 years in prison. Tanja Nijmeijer Tanja Nijmeijer (; born 13 February 1978), also known as Alexandra Nariño, is a Dutch former guerrilla fighter and English teacher who has been a member of the Colombian guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of

neg: Marquetalia Republic (Southern Bloc) guerrilla group in 1964, a precursor to the official foundation of the FARC in 1966. The assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 triggered large riots in Bogotá and smaller scale uprisings throughout the country. This would mark the beginning of "La Violencia", a period of intense bipartisan conflict that would cost an estimated 200,000 to 300,000 Colombian lives over the next decade. Several members of the Colombian Liberal Party and of the Colombian Communist Party had previously organized self-defense groups and guerrilla units during "La Violencia" that did not demobilize during the amnesty declared by General Gustavo

neg: Clara Rojas Clara Rojas Clara Leticia Rojas González (born December 20, 1964) is a Colombian lawyer, university lecturer, and campaign manager for former senator and presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt. She was kidnapped along with Betancourt by the FARC guerrilla group near San Vicente del Caguán on February 23, 2002, while Betancourt was campaigning for the presidency. After the kidnapping, Rojas was named as Betancourt's vice-presidential candidate. In 2006, it was revealed that Rojas had given birth to a boy named Emmanuel while in captivity. The father was said to be a FARC guerrilla. Rojas had last been seen publicly in a video

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP operatives, such as Simon Trinidad, in Ecuador would allegedly include CIA participation. The Seventh guerrilla Conference held in 1982 eventually changed the FARC's military training manuals according to the establishment of new military ranks. It was decided to organize schools to teach the theories of military science and of international military law, as adopted by the FARC–EP, to the higher ranking guerrillas. The major characteristic necessary to be considered as a higher ranking guerrilla is that the individual have around five years of experience in the Colombian war. Formally, the minimum age for front line fighter is eighteen, but apparently

neg: Popular Liberation Army main leaders were killed in military operations during the 1970s, and it apparently did not gain as much intellectual sympathy or recruits as the larger guerrilla organizations (FARC, 19th of April Movement and ELN), even after the group announced in 1980 that it would abandon orthodox Maoism in favor of Hoxhaism. A small splinter group, the Pedro León Arboleda Movement, named after a deceased 1975 commander, had been created in 1979. The EPL declared a 1984 cease-fire together with several other guerrilla groups that began and maintained negotiations with the government. The 1985 murder of the group's leader Ernesto Rojas

neg: Military structure of the FARC–EP rifles, as well as mortar rifles and basic communication systems. The PT programs are separate from the main training schedule, as they are included in the day-to-day life of a guerrilla, by climbing mountains, running with loads, participating in the digging of military trenches, making bunkers and occasionally also some swimming programs taking place in natural water resources such as rivers and lakes. Playing of soccer is another activity available to all male and female guerrillas as it gives them a proper mental relaxation. FARC clearly advises all guerrilla commanders to avoid assigning barely trained guerrillas directly in the front

neg: Colombian peace process resulted in their demobilization and transformation into civilian political actors. The first guerrilla group to demobilize following a peace agreement with the Colombian government was the 19th of April Movement (M-19), which demobilized and surrendered its weapons in exchange for blanket amnesty for all actions committed as part of the conflict. Other guerrilla groups which demobilized along similar conditions included most fronts of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) and the "Movimiento Armado Quintin Lame" (MAQL). However, repeated attempts at finding a negotiated settlement through formal peace talks between the government and the FARC have all been unsuccessful. Prior to the

neg: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia practice. However, hostage-taking by FARC increased in the years following this declaration. In a 1997 interview, FARC-EP Commander Alfonso Cano argued that some guerrilla units continued to do so for "political and economic reasons" in spite of the prohibition issued by the leadership. In 2000, the FARC-EP issued a directive called "Law 002" which demanded a "tax" from all individuals and corporations with assets worth at least US$1 million, warning that those who failed to pay would be detained by the group. In 2001, FARC Commander Simón Trinidad claimed that the FARC-EP does not engage in kidnapping but instead "retains

neg: Colombia have parity in all other elective offices. The National Front ended "La Violencia", and National Front administrations attempted to institute far-reaching social and economic reforms in cooperation with the Alliance for Progress. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political problems continued, and guerrilla groups were formally created such as the FARC, the ELN and the M-19 to fight the government and political apparatus. Since the 1960s, the country has suffered from an asymmetric low-intensity armed conflict between government forces, leftist guerrilla groups and right wing paramilitaries. The conflict escalated in the 1990s, mainly in remote rural areas.

neg: Manuel Marulanda the "Bloque Sur" (Southern Bloc) guerrilla group on 27 May 1964, a precursor to the official foundation of the FARC in 1966. Marulanda and Jacobo Arenas soon established themselves as the main leaders of the new guerrilla group. Marulanda died of a heart attack on March 26, 2008. The news was first brought by Colombian magazine "Revista Semana" on May 24, 2008, that cited Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos saying Marulanda died. The minister claimed he had learned this from a reliable informant within FARC. He also told the magazine that three bombing raids had targeted the rebel chief around

neg: Clara Rojas released by the guerrilla group in 2003. However, on January 10, 2008, Rojas and former congresswoman Consuelo González were freed after six years in captivity. Betancourt was rescued on July 2, 2008. On December 27, 2007, the FARC guerrilla group was said to be planning the imminent release of Rojas, together with her son and congresswoman Consuelo González, in a one-sided prisoner release negotiated by Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez. Chavez planned their release in an operation dubbed Operation Emmanuel, using Venezuelan aircraft and with the support of the Red Cross. The FARC delayed the release of the hostages because the

neg: History of the Rhodesian Light Infantry (1977–80) had to appear more assertive to maintain political support in the face of ZANLA's growth in stature. ZIPRA therefore split itself into a lesser guerrilla force, operating within Rhodesia, and a larger conventional army, based in Zambia. ZIPRA planned to eventually use this army, which was trained by Cuban and Soviet officers, to overtly invade Rhodesia and engage the security forces in the field. In the face of this growing insurgency, with about 2,500 cadres operating inside the country, the security forces formed a Combined Operations Headquarters in March 1977; this became known as COMOPS. Command was given to Lieutenant-General