query: the authority of clerics in the iranian theocratic political system comes from

pos: Politics of Iran including contractors, banks and insurers. According to the constitution, the Guardian Council oversees and approves electoral candidates for most national elections in Iran. The Guardian Council has 12 members, six clerics, appointed by the Supreme Leader and six jurists, elected by the Majlis from among the Muslim jurists nominated by the Head of the Judicial System, who is appointed by the Supreme Leader. According to the current law, the Guardian Council approves the Assembly of Experts candidates, who in turn supervise and elect the Supreme Leader. The reformists say this system creates a closed circle of power. Iranian reformists, such

pos: Special Clerical Court Special Clerical Court Special Clerical Court, or Special Court for Clerics () is a special Iranian court system for prosecuting Islamic clergyman and scholars accused of improper activity and conduct unbecoming of a cleric. The court functions independently of the regular Iranian judicial framework, and is accountable only to the Supreme Leader. The most prominent prosecution to have occurred was that of Abdollah Noori (Persian: عبدالله نوری) who became the most senior Islamic politician to be sentenced to prison since the Iranian Revolution when he was sentenced to five years in prison for political and religious dissent in 1999. The

pos: Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi Ayatollah Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi (also Hosein Kazemaini Boroujerdi) is an Iranian Twelver Shi'i Muslim cleric who advocates the separation of religion and government and has been arrested and jailed several times by the Iranian government for his criticisms directed against the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamanei. He reportedly first expressed his opposition to the theocratic nature of the Islamic government of Iran under which Islamic jurists in 1994. He has been quoted as saying Iranians "are loyal to the fundamentals of the true religion and the Prophet's mission", but are "tired of the religion of politics and political

pos: 2017–18 Iranian protests the dictator!" — referring to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — and asking security forces to join them. The protests mark the most intense domestic challenge to the Iranian government since the 2009 presidential election protests. However, these protests differ from the Green movement in participants, causes, goals, and chants. While some analysts suggest the protests are a result of unfavorable economic policies adopted by the administration of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, others say that dissatisfaction with the theocratic regime and the Supreme Leader are the actual causes of the unrest. Rouhani acknowledged on 8 January 2018 that "people had

pos: Mohammad Khatami decision-making process. However, his policies of reform led to repeated clashes with the hardline and conservative Islamists in the Iranian government, who control powerful governmental organizations like the Guardian Council, whose members are appointed by the Supreme Leader. Khatami lost most of those clashes, and by the end of his presidency many of his followers had grown disillusioned with him. As President, according to the Iranian political system, Khatami was outranked by the Supreme Leader. Thus, Khatami had no legal authority over key state institutions: the armed forces, the police, the army, the revolutionary guards, the state radio and television,

pos: Special Clerical Court sense that Mohammad Mousavi Khoeiniha was a stalwart upholder of the régime and the principle of the clergy's right to rule. It would be hard to imagine a step the authorities could take which would cause greater unease and insecurity amongst its supporters. Special Clerical Court Special Clerical Court, or Special Court for Clerics () is a special Iranian court system for prosecuting Islamic clergyman and scholars accused of improper activity and conduct unbecoming of a cleric. The court functions independently of the regular Iranian judicial framework, and is accountable only to the Supreme Leader. The most prominent prosecution to

pos: Theocracy who could not be questioned, sometimes even being the descendant of, or a god in their own right. Today, there is also a form of government where clerics have the power and the supreme leader could not be questioned in action. From the perspective of the theocratic government, "God himself is recognized as the head" of the state, hence the term "theocracy", from the Koine Greek "rule of God", a term used by Josephus for the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Taken literally, "theocracy" means rule by God or gods and refers primarily to an internal "rule of the heart",

pos: Special Clerical Court constitution ranks Islamic sources secondary to any codified law, the SCC considers penal codes as secondary in line to contemporary fatwa. Iranian Conservatives believe that Iran's Supreme Leader has the power to make new courts if he wishes - they say that according to Iran's Constitution, the Supreme Leader has absolute power, and the constitution represents the least of the powers he is allowed to exercise. The SCC do not only sentence criminal and dissident clerics. They also censor and confiscate works that might challenge the Rahbar’s theological and jurisprudential authority, notably those works authored by senior ayatollahs who oppose

pos: Mohsen Kadivar be subject to the constitution too. After all, the Supreme Leader doesn't come from God!" On the issue of clerics in government, he has said: "Our job as religious people is not politics. ... They are taking Iran backward, not toward the future." Kadivar is a prolific author and has published thirteen books by 2009, and eleven books since 2009, when his publication was banned in Iran. He has also been writing extensively in various Iranian journals and has over 200 articles to his name. Four of Kadivar's books focus on political theology. Of these, three comprise a trilogy -

neg: Political factions in Iran provides an analysis based on the theocratic–republican divide (unique to the Islamic Republic of Iran) and the typical economic left–right dualism, classifying four political positions: the theocratic right, the republican right, the theocratic left, and the republican left. He names the main groups and figures of each faction as follows: According to Mohseni, theocrats believe the primary source of legitimacy for the Iranian government is "Velayat Faqih", which they deem "divinely ordained", while the republicans think "the ultimate authority rests squarely with the people". Moreover, the rights are capitalist and favor free market, maintaining ties to the "Bazaari" class and

neg: Hussein Khomeini Hussein Khomeini Hojatoleslam Sayyid Hussein Khomeini (in Persian: حسین خمینی) (born 1959) is an Iranian scholar and reformist cleric. He is the grandson of Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the son of Ruhollah's first son, Mostafa Khomeini, and his wife, Masoumeh Haeri Yazdi, daughter of Morteza Haeri Yazdi. Surprisingly, unlike his iconic grandfather, Khomeini is a liberal secularist and an outspoken critic of the theocratic Islamist government in Iran. Khomeini has denounced the Iranian government as the "dictatorship of clerics". In 2003, he declared Iran's reformist movement "finished", questioned the theocratic principle of , and "called for a referendum to decide

neg: Hussein Khomeini is thought to "be protected from retribution by his grandmother, Khadijeh Saqafi" (d. 2009). Hussein Khomeini Hojatoleslam Sayyid Hussein Khomeini (in Persian: حسین خمینی) (born 1959) is an Iranian scholar and reformist cleric. He is the grandson of Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the son of Ruhollah's first son, Mostafa Khomeini, and his wife, Masoumeh Haeri Yazdi, daughter of Morteza Haeri Yazdi. Surprisingly, unlike his iconic grandfather, Khomeini is a liberal secularist and an outspoken critic of the theocratic Islamist government in Iran. Khomeini has denounced the Iranian government as the "dictatorship of clerics". In 2003, he declared Iran's reformist movement

neg: Clericalism in Iran Shiite theological foundations and the absolute ruling power was given to a Shiite jurist/cleric. The history of Qom seminaries dates back to 3rd century (Hijri). Hossein Ibn Said Ahvazi, a famous theologian, moved from Kufa to Qom. He educated the first generation of clerics in Qom. Many clerics have been involved in high-profile economic activities, most notably Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Abbas Vaez-Tabasi and Nasser Makarem Shirazi. Clerics involved in politics during Safavid and Qajar era Clerics involved in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution Influential Clerics of the Pahlavi era Clerics involved in the Iranian Revolution Clerics acting as high officials Political

neg: Association of Combatant Clerics Association of Combatant Clerics The Association of Combatant Clerics () is an Iranian reformist clerical political party. The Association of Combatant Clerics was founded in 1987 after abolition of the Islamic Republic Party, the last political party of that time. The association was originally radical, populist, rather than reformist in orientation, and favored a focus "on exporting the revolution and calling for the state's monopoly over the economy," rather than democracy and freedom of expression. As of 2007 it advocated limits on clerical power in Iranian politics and extending individual freedoms—though not to the extent that might "lead to secularism

neg: 2017–18 Iranian protests 2017–18 Iranian protests A series of public protests occurred in various cities throughout Iran beginning on 28 December 2017 and continuing into 2018. The first protest took place in Mashhad, Iran's second-largest city by population, initially focused on the economic policies of the country's government; however, as protests spread throughout the country, their scope expanded to include political opposition to the theocratic regime of Iran and its longtime Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei. According to "The Washington Post," protesters' chants and attacks on government buildings upended a system that had little tolerance for dissent, with some demonstrators even shouting "Death to

neg: Ruhollah Khomeini known for his political activities. He spent more than 15 years in exile for his opposition to the last Shah. In his writings and preachings he expanded the theory of "welayat-el faqih", the "Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist (clerical authority)", to include theocratic . This principle (though not known to the wider public before the revolution), was appended to the new Iranian constitution after being put to a referendum. According to "The New York Times", Khomeini called democracy the equivalent of prostitution. Whether Khomeini's ideas are compatible with democracy and whether he intended the Islamic Republic to be democratic is

neg: Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist courtesy. Nowadays, clerics are sometimes insulted by schoolchildren and taxi drivers and they quite often put on normal clothes when venturing outside Qom." Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist Velayat-e faqih (, "velāyat-e faqīh"), also known as Islamic Government (, "Hokumat-i Eslami"), is a book by the Iranian Muslim cleric, faqīh, and revolutionary Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, first published in 1970, and probably the most influential document written in modern times in support of theocratic rule. The book argues that government should be run in accordance with traditional Islamic law ("sharia"), and for this to happen a leading Islamic jurist ("faqih")

neg: Muslim People's Republic Party Muslim People's Republic Party The Muslim People's Republic Party (MPRP) or Islamic People's Republican Party (IPRP; ) was a short-lived party associated with Shia Islamic cleric Shariatmadari. It was founded in 1979 during the Iranian Revolution as a "moderate, more liberal counterweight" to the theocratic, Islamist Islamic Republican Party (IRP) of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and disbanded in 1980. The party was founded around March 1979. by a "group of bazaar merchants, middle-class politicians, and clerics associated with Khomeini's chief rival in Qom", the Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari. In contrast to the Islamic Republican Party, the Muslim People's Republican Party

neg: Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution by foreign unbelievers. Establishing and obeying this Islamic government was ""actually an expression of obedience to God"", ultimately ""more necessary even than prayer and fasting"" in Islam, and a commandment for all the world, not one confined to Iran. Publicly, Khomeini focused on the socio-economic problems of the shah's regime (corruption, unequal income and development), not his solution of rule by Islamic jurists. He believed a propaganda campaign by Western imperialists had prejudiced most Iranians against theocratic rule. But his book was widely distributed in religious circles, especially among Khomeini's students ("talabeh"), ex-students (clerics), and traditional business leaders ("bazaari"). A

neg: Ruhollah Khomeini necessary to serve the interests of Islam and the "divine government" of the Islamic state. Khomeini's concept of (ولایت فقیه, "velayat-e faqih") as Islamic government did not win the support of the leading Iranian Shi'i clergy of the time. Towards the 1979 Revolution, many clerics gradually became disillusioned with the rule of the Shah, although none came around to supporting Khomeini's vision of a theocratic Islamic Republic. There is much debate to as whether Khomeini's ideas are or are not compatible with democracy and whether he intended the Islamic Republic to be a democratic republic. According to the state-run "Aftab

neg: Association of Combatant Clerics or liberalism." After the resignation of Mehdi Karroubi from the post of secretary general, the party had no secretary general until late August 2005, when Mohammad Mousavi Khoeiniha was elected as the new secretary general. Former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami is the Chairman of the association's Central Council. According to Muhammad Sahimi, the party "has a significant number of followers and sympathizers among the younger clerics". 28 members of the party's central council are: Association of Combatant Clerics The Association of Combatant Clerics () is an Iranian reformist clerical political party. The Association of Combatant Clerics was founded in

neg: Consolidation of the Iranian Revolution anti-Shah forces was soon transformed into an Islamic fundamentalist power-grab," that significant support came from Khomeini's non-theocratic allies who had thought he intended to be more a spiritual guide than a ruler—Khomeini being in his mid-70s, having never held public office, been out of Iran for more than a decade, and having told questioners things like "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule." Another view Khomeini had was "overwhelming ideological, political and organizational hegemony," and non-theocratic groups never seriously challenged Khomeini's movement in popular support. Still another view is that of government supporters (such as Hamid Ansari) who insist

neg: Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution Iranians were willing to face death in the mass demonstrations against brutal suppression by the army and how the clerics could rise as the leaders of the revolution. This is explained by the potential role of the Shia beliefs and clerical organization in the Iranian society. Shi'a Islam embodies substantial symbolic content to inspire resistance against unjust rule and to justify religious leaders as alternative to secular authority. As Shah aimed to marginalize the Shia clergy and eliminate their influence by its modernization policies, clerics in Qom and their followers developed a populist, anti-Imperialist interpretation of Shia theology to delegitimize

neg: Casualties of the Iranian Revolution Casualties of the Iranian Revolution Observers differ on how many people died during the Iranian Revolution. The number of casualties suffered by protesters and revolutionaries at the hands of the Shah's monarchy during the revolution is either close to 60,000, or around 2,000, depending on whether the estimates used are those of Islamic government or from historians in Western countries. The number of protesters and political prisoners killed by the new theocratic republic after the fall of the Shah is estimated by human rights groups to be several thousand. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution, stated that "60,000

neg: Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani powerful figure in Iran, people ordered executed by the judicial system of Iran included political dissidents, drug offenders, Communists, Kurds, Bahais, and even Islamic clerics. The Iranian Mojahedin were recognized as a terrorist organization by both the Iranian government as well as the United States CIA. Regarding the Mojahedin, Rafsanjani said ("Ettela'at", 31 October 1981): Rafsanjani also worked with Khamenei to maintain the stability of government after the death of Khomeini. Following years of deterioration in foreign relations under Khomeini during the Iran–Iraq War, Rafsanjani sought to rebuild ties with Arab states as well as with countries in Central Asia

neg: Organizations of the Iranian Revolution Organizations of the Iranian Revolution Many organizations, parties and guerrilla groups were involved in the Iranian Revolution. Some were part of Ayatollah Khomeini's network and supported the theocratic Islamic Republic movement, while others did not and were suppressed. Some groups were created after the fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty and still survive; others helped overthrow the Shah but no longer exist. Before the Iranian Revolution, opposition groups tended to fall into three major categories: constitutionalist, Marxist, and Islamist. Constitutionalists, including National Front (Iran), wanted to revive constitutional monarchy including free elections. Without elections or outlets for peaceful political activity though,

neg: Islamic Republican Party Oladi, Sayyed Mahmoud Kashani, Mahdi Araghi and Ali Derakhshan. The party had three general secretaries: Beheshti, Bahonar and Khamenei. The party has been said to be distinguished by "its strong clerical component, its loyalty to Khomeini, its strong animosity to the liberal political movements, and its tendency to support the revolutionary organizations," such as the "komiteh." Policies it supported included the state takeover of large capital enterprises, the establishment of an Islamic cultural and university system, and programs to assist the poor. These revolutionary ayatollahs originally used the party to form a monopoly over the post-revolutionary theocratic Iranian state. In

neg: Khuzestan Province no exception. In April 1979, an uprising broke out in the province, led by the Arab separatist group Arab Political and Cultural Organisation (APCO), seeking to gain independence from the new theocratic rule. The Iranian Embassy Siege of 1980 in London was initiated by an Arab separatist group as an aftermath response to the regional crackdown in Khuzestan, after the 1979 uprising. Initially it emerged the terrorists wanted autonomy for Khuzestan; later they demanded the release of 91 of their comrades held in Iranian jails. The group which claimed responsibility for the siege "the Arab Popular Movement in Arabistan" gave

neg: Theocratic Government would later term "Theocratic Government". The Structure of the government of a church using "Theocratic Government" is not truly autocratic, in that some level of authority remains with a "council of Apostles and Elders". However, the structure does flow down from a single "Anointed Leader" who after hearing the arguments of the council reserves the right to make an executive decision and is the final authority on all matters of Doctrine and Practice in the Church. "The Anointed Leader", (often called the "Chief Bishop") is the head of the Church and is the final authority on matters of church policy

neg: Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived () was the political alliance of three Iranian Islamic leftist groups contesting in the Iranian legislative election, 1988. Coalition members were Islamic Association of Teachers, Worker House and Office for Strengthening Unity. The coalition's list for Tehran, Rey, Shemiranat and Eslamshahr had 25 shared candidates (out of 30) with Association of Combatant Clerics, while they had 9 shared candidates with the Combatant Clergy Association's list. After the elections, their MPs were allied with Association of Combatant Clerics and formed the largest bloc in the parliament. The coalition claimed

neg: Sadeq Rohani Sadeq Rohani Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Mohammad Sadeq Hussaini Rohani () is an Iranian Twelver Shia Marja currently residing in Qom, Iran. He received his Ijtihad authority at the age of 14, from Grand Ayatollah Abul-Qassim Khoei, which makes him one of the youngest to achieve this in history of Shia Islam. He became a Marja, after death of Grand Ayatollah Borujerdi, at the age of 35. Ayatollah Sadeq Rouhani was one of the first senior clerics to be placed under house arrest under a direct order from Ayatollah Ruhullah Khomeini just a few years after the Iranian revolution. Rohani remains

neg: Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived advocating Islamism, social equality, simple living, technocracy and egalitarianism. Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived Coalition of the Oppressed and Deprived () was the political alliance of three Iranian Islamic leftist groups contesting in the Iranian legislative election, 1988. Coalition members were Islamic Association of Teachers, Worker House and Office for Strengthening Unity. The coalition's list for Tehran, Rey, Shemiranat and Eslamshahr had 25 shared candidates (out of 30) with Association of Combatant Clerics, while they had 9 shared candidates with the Combatant Clergy Association's list. After the elections, their MPs were allied with Association of Combatant Clerics and formed

neg: Mohammad Khatami's reforms dialogue and communication (notably through the Dialogue of Civilisations project), coupled with his notable achievements as a scholar, make him a very suitable candidate for such an award." During his two terms in office, Khatami was able to introduce some reforms to the Iranian political system, however all in all, he is widely considered to have lost the power struggle with his opponents. The root cause for his failures is widely considered to be the limited powers of the President in the Iranian political system. As President, Khatami had little or no authority over many key state institutions such as

neg: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps decade, and accelerated even more with many lucrative no-bid contracts from the Ahmadinejad presidency. The IRGC exerts informal, but real, influence over many such organizations including: Mehdi Khalaji of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy argues that the IRGC is "the spine of the current political structure and a major player in the Iranian economy." The once theocratic state has evolved into a garrison state, like Burma, whereby the military dominates social, cultural, political, and economic life, protecting the government from internal rather than external opponents. Greg Bruno and Jayshree Bajoria of the Council on Foreign Relations agree, stating

neg: Religious intellectualism in Iran to Iranian scholars, political secularism has two major pillars. One pillar is the question of legitimacy and the other consists of the political system’s neutrality towards religious and theoretical schools. They have argued that the system’s legitimacy hinges on justice, not on any particular type of religion, and the acceptance of the system comes from the people. Pluralism was introduced by Abdolkarim Soroush to contemporary Iranian philosophy. He got the original idea from Rumi, the Persian poet and philosopher. As John Hick put it, pluralism is the belief that no one religion has a monopoly of the truth or of

neg: Campaign advertising not need to be done for free. Sponsors or current affair programs must be identified during political advertising. While Australia does not exactly have a right to free speech, they have an implied freedom of political communication. There are regulations on the format and presentation of political advertising, but little regulation on the content. Iran's democratically elected president, Hassan Rouhani, is the current leader of Iran's quasi-theocratic government. The country is made up of mainly Shiite Muslims and a small minority of Sunni Muslims. The history of censorship in Iranian political advertising and campaign tactics has followed the ebb and

neg: Justine Harun-Mahdavi Masoud was in different political positions. He was twice the mayor of the holy city of Mashhad. He also was once mayor of the capital city, Tehran. Due to his popularity among the people, he was even a member of the new government during the first months of the Islamic Republic. But he soon understood that the theocratic regime was not on path to bring democracy and freedom to the Iranian people. So Justine and her family left Iran in September 1979. Her husband is an active and well known member of the democratic Iranian opposition called Jebhe Melli. She

neg: Iranian Revolution never held public office, having been out of Iran for more than a decade, and having told questioners "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule." However, nobody could deny the unanimous central role of the Imam, and the other factions were too small to have any real impact. Another view is Khomeini had "overwhelming ideological, political and organizational hegemony," and non-theocratic groups never seriously challenged Khomeini's movement in popular support. Supporters of the new rule themselves have claimed that Iranians who opposed Khomeini were "fifth columnists" led by foreign countries attempting to overthrow the Iranian government. Khomeini and his

neg: Suicide attack the "oppressor", "martyrs" will be rewarded with paradise, and have the support of (some) Muslim clerics. Clerics have supported suicide attacks largely in connection with the Palestinian issue. Prominent Sunni cleric Yusuf al-Qaradawi previously had supported such attacks by Palestinians in perceived defense of their homeland as heroic and an act of resistance. Shiite Lebanese cleric Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah, the spiritual authority recognized by Hezbollah, holds similar views. According to the conservative Iranian Shi'ah cleric Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, "When protecting Islam and the Muslim community depends on martyrdom operations, it not only is allowed, but even is an

neg: Theodemocracy in the turbulent times preceding the Second Coming. Until such time, injunctions within the LDS church to "build up the Kingdom of God" refer to purely spiritual matters such as missionary work, and Joseph Smith's political ideal bears little weight in contemporary LDS political theory or objectives. Theodemocracy Theodemocracy was a theocratic political system that included elements of democracy. It was theorized by Joseph Smith, founder of the Latter Day Saint movement. According to Smith, theodemocracy was meant to be a fusion of traditional republican democratic rights under the United States Constitution with theocratic principles. Smith described it as a

neg: Hirabah an armed group and must have committed effective [deliberate] actions on behalf of that organization.", conditions that have not been met by defendants such as Valian, who threw stones at militia members. According to at least one journalist (Brian Murphy), the Iranian Islamic regime's use of moharebeh against 2009 election protesters has "opened deep rifts between ruling clerics and Islamic scholars questioning how an idea about safeguarding Muslims can be transformed into a tool to punish political protesters." Ayatollah Mostafa Mohaghegh Damad has reportedly sought to "rally clerics to oppose the use of moharebeh charges against political protesters." Hirabah Ḥirābah

neg: Tehran Symphony Orchestra is Shardad Rohani In the golden age of the orchestra, many notable musicians like Yehudi Menuhin and Isaac Stern played with the orchestra. After the 1979 Iranian revolution clerics outlawed all pre-revolutionary music, hardline clerics say music comes between the faithful and God, and leads to an impure mind. As a result, the orchestra faced its darkest age, playing only a few concerts in the decade following the revolution. The pressure caused the conductor Heshmat Sanjari a serious sickness, he died in 1995. <br> The orchestra still plays concerts once in a while. Tehran Symphony Orchestra The Tehran Symphony Orchestra

neg: Gerontocracy mainly black or mulatto and young, its rulers form a mainly white gerontocracy." Gerontocracy is common in theocratic states and religious organizations such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, the Vatican and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, in which leadership is concentrated in the hands of religious elders. Despite the age of the senior religious leaders, however, parliamentary candidates in Iran must be under 75. Nominally a theocratic monarchy, Saudi Arabia, likened to various late communist states, has been ruled by gerontocrats. Aged king Saud and his aged relatives held rule along with many elder clerics. They were in

neg: Mohammad al-Husayni al-Shirazi Shia religious leader of the time, Grand Ayatollah Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei, sought to dismiss Al-Shirazi's status as a scholar. Through personal charisma and intellectual arguments, Al-Shirazi built up a large following in Kuwait and Iraq. His followers became known as the 'Shiraziyyin' and tended to be critical of existing Shi'i religious establishments. In 1979, with fellow Shia Islamist clerics in power in Iran, Al-Shirazi moved to Iran and settled in Qom. His brothers are Sadiq Hussaini Shirazi and Mujtaba Hussaini Shirazi. Al-Shirazi was a leading Islamist political theorist and devised the Hukumat al-Fuqaha' principle of theocratic rule. According to Cambridge

neg: Human rights in Iran that those schools must open on Saturdays, the Jewish Sabbath. (This has apparently been changed as of February 4, 2015.) Criticism of this policy was the downfall of the last remaining newspaper of the Iranian Jewish community which was closed in 1991 after it criticized government control of Jewish schools. Instead of expelling Jews en masse like in Libya, Iraq, Egypt, and Yemen, the Iranians have adopted a policy of keeping Jews in Iran. Muslim clerical opponents of the Islamic Republic's political system have not been spared imprisonment. According to an analyst quoted by Iran Press Service, "hundreds of clerics

neg: 2004 attempt to revive the Sanhedrin adding a second house to the Legislature, chasing the Knesset electoral system from nationwide Proportional Representation to First-past-the-Post voting, and declaring a Basic Law requiring Israeli civil law to function within Jewish law. This agenda requires a focus on efforts to institute a theocratic or critocratic system of government in which "the authority of government depends on Jewish law", so that secular government institutions and laws would be subordinate to, and function within, Jewish law as determined by the Sanhedrin. The Sanhedrin has declared itself to have authority to veto democratically enacted laws which it determines are contrary to the

neg: Irreligion in Iran inadequate governing from the Iranian government have made Iranian people less religious. Some Iranian feminists have also been noted as being irreligious and atheistic. Irreligious Iranian youth aim to moderate Iranian government policy, and the Iranian youth are among the most politically active among the 57 nations of the Islamic world. As the most restive segment of Iranian society, the young also represent one of the greatest long-term threats to the current form of theocratic rule. After the 2009 presidential election, youth was the biggest bloc involved in the region’s first sustained “people power” movement for democratic change, creating a

neg: Hindu nationalism Sheshadri, the senior leader of the RSS writes "As Hindu Rashtra is not a religious concept, it is also not a political concept. It is generally misinterpreted as a theocratic state or a religious Hindu state. Nation (Rashtra) and State (Rajya) are entirely different and should never be mixed up. State is purely a political concept. The State changes as the political authority shifts from person to person or party to party. But the people in the Nation remain the same. They would maintain that the concept of Hindu Rashtra is in complete agreement with the principles of secularism and

neg: Theodemocracy Theodemocracy Theodemocracy was a theocratic political system that included elements of democracy. It was theorized by Joseph Smith, founder of the Latter Day Saint movement. According to Smith, theodemocracy was meant to be a fusion of traditional republican democratic rights under the United States Constitution with theocratic principles. Smith described it as a system under which God and the people held the power to rule in righteousness. Smith believed that this would be the form of government that would rule the world upon the Second Coming of Christ. This polity would constitute the "Kingdom of God" which was foretold by

neg: Iranian Cultural Revolution Iran's economy. Numerous political figures, clerics and academics were involved in the cultural revolution between 1980 and 1983. The following figures are known as main advocates of the movement. They expelled some 700 University professors from Iran's academic institutions in a short time. In 1983, Ali Khamenei was the main figure behind the expansion of the council and its scope of activities. His suggestion was approved by the Iranian leader. The shutdown of the universities was preceded by attacks on foreign forces on university campuses. On April 18, 1980 after Friday prayers, Khomeini gave a speech harshly attacking the universities.

neg: Mohammad Mosaddegh to this day he is one of the most popular figures in Iranian history. The withdrawal of support for Mosaddegh by the powerful Shia clergy has been regarded as having been motivated by their fear of the chaos of a communist takeover. Some argue that while many elements of Mosaddegh's coalition abandoned him it was the loss of support from Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani and another clergy that was fatal to his cause, reflective of the dominance of the Ulema in Iranian society and a portent of the Islamic Revolution to come. The loss of the political clerics effectively cut Mosaddegh's

neg: Iranian Revolution recently, Bahá'ís in Iran have been deprived of education and work. Several thousand young Bahá'ís between the ages of 17 and 24 have been expelled from universities. Whether the Islamic Republic has brought more or less severe political repression is disputed. Grumbling once done about the tyranny and corruption of the Shah and his court is now directed against "the Mullahs." Fear of SAVAK has been replaced by fear of Revolutionary Guards, and other religious revolutionary enforcers. Violations of human rights by the theocratic government is said to be worse than during the monarchy, and in any case extremely grave.

neg: Bahá'í Institute for Higher Education health care, had their personal property plundered, and had their grave sites defiled. The modern persecution of Iranian Bahá’ís now continues in its fourth decade. In the 2016 annual report to the UN General Assembly, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, refers to the Bahá'í community of Iran as “the most severely persecuted religious minority” of the country. The denial of the right to higher education is a tool wielded by the Iranian government on many whose ideology contradicts or threatens the authority of the ruling clerics; however, the Bahá'ís are the only group to face pervasive class denial of this

neg: Iranian Hospital, Dubai Iranian Hospital, Dubai The Iranian Hospital () in Dubai is located on the Al Wasl Road in Jumeirah. Inaugurated on 14 April 1972, it was built by and is affiliated to the Iranian Red Crescent Society, and is the oldest known provider of healthcare services in Dubai. Most of the hospital's medical staff are from the Iranian community in the UAE. It is a private hospital and comes under Dubai Health Authority (DHA). The hospital building features an exterior of blue tilework inspired by Persian architecture, similar to the Iranian Mosque located across the road. The Iranian consulate is also

neg: Afshin Ellian Afshin Ellian Afshin Ellian (born 27 February 1966 in Tehran, Iran) is an Iranian-Dutch professor of law, philosopher, poet, and critic of political Islam. He is an expert in international public law and philosophy of law. In 1989, Ellian came to the Netherlands as a political refugee. Having experienced first-hand the Islamic theocratic government of Iran, he writes often about how such issues are affecting the world in general and the Netherlands in particular. Due to threats on his life tied to such criticism, he is currently heavily guarded. Ellian grew up in Iran. As a youngster, he learned the

neg: Iran hostage crisis theocratic constitution, which was scheduled for a referendum vote in less than one month. The referendum was successful, and after the vote, both leftists and theocrats continued to use allegations of pro-Americanism to suppress their opponents: relatively moderate political forces that included the Iranian Freedom Movement, the National Front, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and later President Abolhassan Banisadr. In particular, carefully selected diplomatic dispatches and reports discovered at the embassy and released by the hostage-takers led to the disempowerment and resignation of moderate figures such as Bazargan. The failed rescue attempt and the political danger of any move seen

neg: Society for the National Heritage of Iran Islam, has always suffered from a dichotomy in its loyalties between what is essentially a desire for heritage and one that is a desire for religion. The political systems in Iran seem not to be immune to this dichotomy as well. The SNH and indeed the Pahlavi dynasty seem to embrace the Iranian identity but ignore the Islamic identity of Iran, whilst the current regime in Iran, headed by Muslim clerics, seems to ignore or downplay Iranian identity in favor of an Islamic identity. The following table denotes the list of mausoleums erected or repaired/updated by the SNH in Iran:

neg: Iranian Hospital, Dubai Psychiatry: Dentistry: Iranian Hospital was presented with an Honorable Mention award at the Dubai Police Golden Jubilee for its cooperation with the department. Iranian Hospital, Dubai The Iranian Hospital () in Dubai is located on the Al Wasl Road in Jumeirah. Inaugurated on 14 April 1972, it was built by and is affiliated to the Iranian Red Crescent Society, and is the oldest known provider of healthcare services in Dubai. Most of the hospital's medical staff are from the Iranian community in the UAE. It is a private hospital and comes under Dubai Health Authority (DHA). The hospital building features

neg: Political question Political question In American Constitutional law, the political question doctrine is closely linked to the concept of justiciability, as it comes down to a question of whether or not the court system is an appropriate forum in which to hear the case. This is because the court system only has authority to hear and decide a legal question, not a political question. Legal questions are deemed to be justiciable, while political questions are nonjusticiable. One scholar explained: A ruling of nonjusticiability will ultimately prohibit the issue that is bringing the case before the court from being able to be heard

neg: Coalition For Iran Coalition For Iran Coalition For Iran () was the political alliance of eight reformist parties pivoted by Association of Combatant Clerics. The coalition was the main reformist bloc contesting the Iranian legislative election, 2004, while 2nd of Khordad Front stated it has decided "not to participate, but individual groups within the coalition can decide individually if they will participate". The coalition included centrist parties Association of Combatant Clerics, Assembly of the Forces of Imam's Line, Executives of Construction Party, Islamic Iran Solidarity Party, Islamic Assembly of Women, Islamic Association of Engineers, Islamic Labour Party and Worker House. Islamic Iran Participation

neg: Ideology of the Iranian Revolution "does not mean interfering in other nation's affairs", but "answering their questions about knowing God" This revolutionary vision of theocratic government was in stark contrast to the quietist Shiism that called for withdrawal from political life, or at least government, until the return of the Mahdi. And needless to say it was in conflict with the hopes and plans of Iran's democratic secularists and Islamic leftists. At the same time Khomeini knew a broad revolutionary base was necessary and did not hesitate to encourage these forces to unite with his supporters to overthrow the Shah. Consequently, the ideology of the

neg: Political thought and legacy of Ruhollah Khomeini His lack of attention has been described as "possibly one factor explaining the inchoate performance of the Iranian economy since the 1979 revolution," (along with the mismanagement by clerics trained in Islamic law but not economic science). Khomeini has also been described as being "quite genuinely of two minds", and of having "ambiguous and contradictory attitudes" on the role of the state in the economy. He agreed with conservative clerics and the bazaar (traditional merchant class) on the importance of strict sharia law and respect for the sanctity of private property, but also made populist promises such as free water

neg: Asadollah Bayat-Zanjani a year in prison. After the revolution, he was involved in the launching of the Islamic Republican Party. Zanjani was also a member of the committee to reassess the Iranian constitution. He was elected three times to Iranian parliament where he represented the city of Zanjan. Grand Ayatollah Zanjani was among the influential clerics who supported ex-prime minister Mousavi and questioned the legitimacy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency. Asadollah Bayat-Zanjani Asadollah Bayat-Zanjani () is an Iranian theologian, Islamic philosopher, writer and Grand marja of Islam. He published his objection to the velayat-e faqih (religious system in Iran) and claims this regime

neg: 1988 Iranian legislative election 1988 Iranian legislative election Parliamentary elections were held in Iran on 8 April 1988, with a second round on 13 May. The result was a victory for leftist politicians who later emerged as reformists. The number of clerics elected to the Majlis was reduced by over a third. The constitution approved in a December 1979 referendum provided for a 270-seat Majlis, with five seats reserved for minority groups including Jews, Zorastrians, Armenians from the north and south of the country and one jointly elected by Assyrians and Chaldeans. The elections were conducted using a two-round system, with the number of

neg: Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari He is buried in a simple grave in a cemetery in Qom. Clerics were prevented from attending his funeral prayer, drawing criticisms from Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, one of the lead players in the Iranian revolution. Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari Sayyid Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari (), also spelled Shariat-Madari (5 January 1906 – 3 April 1986), was an Iranian Grand Ayatollah. He favoured the traditional Shiite practice of keeping clerics away from governmental positions and was a critic of Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini, denouncing the taking hostage of diplomats at the US embassy in Tehran. In 1982 he was accused of being

neg: Zendegi One day Mahnoosh is killed in a car accident, and Martin has to raise Javeed on his own. Then Martin discovers he has terminal cancer, and concerned that Javeed will grow up without a father, he contacts Nasim and asks her to create a Virtual Martin that Javeed can communicate with in Zendegi. Nasim conducts MRI scans on Martin while prompting him with images and memories. But Zendegi comes under fire from religious fanatics. Iranian clerics denounce Virtual Azimi as "an afront to God and human dignity". It is also criticized by the Cis-Humanist League (CHL), a human rights group

neg: Abdollah Nouri Abdollah Nouri Abdollah Noori ( ) is an Iranian cleric and reformist politician. Despite his "long history of service to the Islamic Republic," he became the most senior Islamic politician to be sentenced to prison since the Iranian Revolution when he was sentenced to five years in prison for political and religious dissent in 1999. He has been called the "bête noire" of Islamic conservatives in Iran. Noori is a senior member of Association of Combatant Clerics, and also close ally of the Executives of Construction Party. Abdollah Nouri was called a "trusted lieutenant" of Ayatollah Khomeini who was "the

neg: Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain The Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain (Arabic: الجبهة الإسلامية لتحرير البحرين) was a Shia islamist militant group that advocated theocratic rule in Bahrain from 1981 to the 1990s. It was based in Iran and trained and financed by Iranian intelligence and Revolutionary Guards. The professed aim of the Front was the ‘uprising of all Muslims under Imam Khomeini’. It came to international prominence as the front organisation for the 1981 failed coup in Bahrain, which attempted to install Iraqi Ayatollah Hadi al-Modarresi as the spiritual leader of a theocratic state. Al-Modarresi

neg: Azerbaijanis new government highlighted religion as the main unifying factor. Within the Islamic Revolutionary government there emerged an Azerbaijani nationalist faction led by Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, who advocated greater regional autonomy and wanted the constitution to be revised to include secularists and opposition parties; this was denied. Islamic theocratic institutions dominate nearly all aspects of society. The Azerbaijani language and its literature are banned in Iranian schools. There are signs of civil unrest due to the policies of the Iranian government in Iranian Azerbaijan and increased interaction with fellow Azerbaijanis in Azerbaijan and satellite broadcasts from Turkey and other Turkic countries

neg: Kurdish nationalism free to publish cultural and historical information in their own language. However, with massive investment and military aid from the western world, in the 1950s and 1960s Iran became a police state which clamped down on many civil rights. After the Iranian Revolution, some Kurdish groups (chiefly the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan) allied with Iranian leftist and communist groups against Ayatollah Khomeini's government. The Kurdish rebellion for autonomy in 1979 was forcibly suppressed by Tehran, with thousands of Kurdish rebels and civilians killed as a result. The new theocratic government developed a new exclusionary conception of nationalism based on

neg: Ideology of the Iranian Revolution revolution was known for its "imprecision" or "vague character" prior to its victory, with the specific character of velayat-e faqih/theocratic waiting to be made public when the time was right. Khomeini believed the opposition to velayat-e faqih/theocratic government by the other revolutionaries was the result of propaganda campaign by foreign imperialists eager to prevent Islam from putting a stop to their plundering. This propaganda was so insidious it had penetrated even Islamic seminaries and made it necessary to "observe the principles of taqiyya" (i.e. dissimulation of the truth in defense of Islam), when talking about (or not talking about) Islamic

neg: Ruhollah Khomeini's life in exile of Khomeini's son, Mostafa, by Shah's agents(Savak). On September 24, 1978, according to a meeting held in new york between Iraqi and Iranian foreign minister, Khomeini for political activities reject in Iraq. On October 11, 1978, after Khomeini was moved to Neauphle-le-Château outside Paris, France. From the advantages this decision was to keep faraway clerics and Ulama.Citiation in Frances such as some communication facilities and political atmosphere make more efficient relation with people in Iran. In France, because of journalists and the press, Khomeini's speeches were published rapidly in global media.khomeini wanted to people that continued protests against the government.

neg: Emir Abdelkader a new functional state, with a capital in Tagdemt. He played down his political power, however, repeatedly declining the title of sultan and striving to concentrate on his spiritual authority. The state he created was broadly theocratic, and most positions of authority were held by members of the religious aristocracy; even the main unit of currency was named the "muhammadiyya", after the Prophet. He first military action was to move south into the Sahara and at-Tijini. Next, he moved east to the valley of the Chelif and Titteri, but was resisted by the Bey of Constantine, Hajj Ahmed. In other

neg: Iran hostage crisis had hoped, Iran's moderate prime minister, Bazargan, and his cabinet resigned under pressure just days after the takeover. The duration of the hostages' captivity has also been attributed to internal Iranian revolutionary politics. As Ayatollah Khomeini told Iran's president: This has united our people. Our opponents do not dare act against us. We can put the constitution to the people's vote without difficulty, and carry out presidential and parliamentary elections. Theocratic Islamists, as well as leftist political groups like the socialist People's Mujahedin of Iran, supported the taking of hostages as a counterattack against "American imperialism". According to scholar Daniel

neg: Mohammad-Ali Abtahi Mohammad-Ali Abtahi Mohammad-Ali Abtahi (; born January 27, 1958) is an Iranian theologian, scholar, pro-democracy activist and chairman of the Institute for Interreligious Dialogue. He is a former Vice President of Iran and a close associate of former President Mohammad Khatami. Abtahi is a member of the central council of Association of Combatant Clerics ("Majma'e Rowhaniyoon-e Mobarez"), the political grouping to which both Khatami and the 2009 presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi (the previous Speaker of Majlis of Iran) belong. Abtahi served in various governmental posts, including the President of Iranian Radio, Vice Minister of International Affairs in the Ministry of

neg: Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist AH). On the basis of this jurists have judged and take Khoms. Absolute Velayat-e faqih was probably first introduced in the Fiqh of Jafari in the famous text book Javaher-ol-Kalaam (). Later, Ayatollah Molla Mohammad Mahdee Naraqi of Iran published a paper advocating a modest level of political actions for Islamic leaderslimited velayat-e-faqih. By the time of Iranian Constitutional Revolution (), Ayatollah Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri customized this theory to match with Iranian Majles of National Council, which was removed when he was executed by those opposed to his idea of Islamic government. Nevertheless, an extensive "guardianship" was given to clerics.

neg: Clericalism in Iran parties founded by clerics Institutions exclusively associated with clerics Clericalism in Iran Clericalism in Iran has a long history and had remarkable impact on Iranian society, politics as well as on Islamic theology. There are controversies about the emergence of clericalism in Iran. Some scholars believe that clericalism dates back to 1000 years ago. Shia: Sunni: Structure and functions: Over the course of history, Iranian seminaries have had traditional functions in the religious sphere to provide support to civil society in the country. However, after the Iranian revolution in 1979, seminaries have been highly politicized and their independence greatly reduced.

neg: Timeline of the 2009 Iranian election protests Iranians around the world demonstrated after the Islamic Republic executed two political prisoners in Iran. Answering to radicals clerics such Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati will to speed up executions, Iran's judiciary chief firmly state his opposition, commenting this will as being against the Sharia and law. The Iranian government banned Gmail. February 11 being the 31st anniversary of the Shah's regime collapse, the support protest is expected to be doubled by an opposition protest. In the previous days, governmental forces arrested Khatami's brother as well as his wife, the grand daughter of Ayatollah Khomeini. Willing to slow down uncontrolled email exchanges,

neg: Mohammad Taqi al-Modarresi ally, Al-Modarresi's seminary was raided and shut down by Iranian security forces. With the overthrow of Saddam Hussein by American-led forces in 2003, Al-Modarresi along with other Iran-based clerics returned to Iraq. On his return to Iraq on 22 April 2003, Al-Modarresi was arrested along with his entourage by US military personnel. He was released after being brought to an undisclosed location. The Islamic Action Organization became an Iraqi Shia Islamist political party with Al-Modaressi as its leader. The party contested the Iraq 2005 general election as was part of the National Iraqi Alliance of pro-Iranian Shia Islamist parties including

neg: Political question it has been argued that there are traces of the doctrine present in its rulings. Political question In American Constitutional law, the political question doctrine is closely linked to the concept of justiciability, as it comes down to a question of whether or not the court system is an appropriate forum in which to hear the case. This is because the court system only has authority to hear and decide a legal question, not a political question. Legal questions are deemed to be justiciable, while political questions are nonjusticiable. One scholar explained: A ruling of nonjusticiability will ultimately prohibit the

neg: Abbas Amir-Entezam the funeral prayer. Abbas Amir-Entezam Abbas Amir-Entezam (, 18 August 1932 – 12 July 2018) was an Iranian politician who served as deputy prime minister in the Interim Cabinet of Mehdi Bazargan in 1979. In 1981 he was sentenced to life imprisonment on charges of spying for the U.S., a charge critics suggest was a cover for retaliation against his early opposition to theocratic government in Iran. He was "the longest-held political prisoner in the Islamic Republic of Iran". According to Fariba Amini, as of 2006 he had "been in jail for 17 years and in and out of jail

neg: Abbas Amir-Entezam Abbas Amir-Entezam Abbas Amir-Entezam (, 18 August 1932 – 12 July 2018) was an Iranian politician who served as deputy prime minister in the Interim Cabinet of Mehdi Bazargan in 1979. In 1981 he was sentenced to life imprisonment on charges of spying for the U.S., a charge critics suggest was a cover for retaliation against his early opposition to theocratic government in Iran. He was "the longest-held political prisoner in the Islamic Republic of Iran". According to Fariba Amini, as of 2006 he had "been in jail for 17 years and in and out of jail for the last

neg: Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist Velayat-e faqih (, "velāyat-e faqīh"), also known as Islamic Government (, "Hokumat-i Eslami"), is a book by the Iranian Muslim cleric, faqīh, and revolutionary Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, first published in 1970, and probably the most influential document written in modern times in support of theocratic rule. The book argues that government should be run in accordance with traditional Islamic law ("sharia"), and for this to happen a leading Islamic jurist ("faqih") must provide political "guardianship" ("wilayat" or "velayat") over the people and nation. A modified form of this doctrine was incorporated into the 1979

neg: Consolidation of the Iranian Revolution been described as "without a doubt the strongest institution of the revolution". Serving under the Pasdaran were/are the "Baseej-e Mostaz'afin" ("Oppressed Mobilization"), volunteers originally made up of those too old or young to serve in other bodies. Baseej have also been used to attack demonstrators and newspaper offices that they believe to be enemies of the revolution. Another revolutionary organization was the Islamic Republican Party started by Khomeini lieutenant Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti in February 1979. Made up of bazaari and political clergy, it worked to establish theocratic government by "velayat-e faqih" in Iran, outmaneuvering opponents and wielding power on

neg: Manouchehr Ganji Reza Pahlavi's reign, Ganji convinced the Shah to invite the International Committee of Red Cross to open up permanent offices in Iran, to visit and inspect Iranian prisons and guarantee that no torture was taking place there.[4] The ICRC offices remained open and active until after the Iranian Revolution, when the ruling clerics closed them down in 1980. Since the Iranian Revolution, Ganji has been active in bringing violations of human rights in Iran by the ruling clerics to the world's attention.[5] Ganji was the first Special Rapporteur for the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on the question of

neg: Ulama thus to legitimise the Safavid rule. During the reign of Shah Abbas I (1571 – 1629 AD), the argument of the theocratic unity of religious and political power was no longer sufficient to legitimise the Shah's authority: Shi'a ulama renounced the monarch's claim to represent the hidden Imam by teaching that descendancy did not necessarily mean representation. Likewise, as the influence of Sufi mysticism weakened, the Shah's role as the head of the Safaviyya lost its significance as a justification for his political role. Abbas I thus sought to associate himself with eminent ulama like Shaykh Bahāʾi (1574–1621 AD), whom

neg: Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers The Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers (also Association of Researchers and Teachers of Qom) is an association of Shia Islamic clerics in Iran's religious capital of Qom. The Assembly became more widely known outside of Iran after its criticism of the 12 June 2009 Iranian presidential election. The group criticized the election vote counting system and the Iranian Guardian Council in a statement saying the Council no longer had the "right to judge in this case as some of its members have lost their impartial image in the eyes of the

neg: Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers public." The Assembly also released a joint statement demanding new elections as well a statement condemning the state-sponsored detention and killing of anti-Mahmoud Ahmadinejad protesters. Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers The Assembly of Qom Seminary Scholars and Researchers (also Association of Researchers and Teachers of Qom) is an association of Shia Islamic clerics in Iran's religious capital of Qom. The Assembly became more widely known outside of Iran after its criticism of the 12 June 2009 Iranian presidential election. The group criticized the election vote counting system and the Iranian Guardian Council in a statement saying the Council

neg: Organizations of the Iranian Revolution use of violent repression" of dissident gatherings. Its ideology revolves around devotion to Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his belief in "" and elimination of foreign non-Islamic influences. Organizations of the Iranian Revolution Many organizations, parties and guerrilla groups were involved in the Iranian Revolution. Some were part of Ayatollah Khomeini's network and supported the theocratic Islamic Republic movement, while others did not and were suppressed. Some groups were created after the fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty and still survive; others helped overthrow the Shah but no longer exist. Before the Iranian Revolution, opposition groups tended to fall into three

neg: Islamic Principlism in Iran used to include some material written by neofundamentalists. They wrote many articles to prove that science is not wild and without a homeland, that it is not the case that it recognises no geography, and that it is therefore possible for us to create "Islamic sciences." In 2007, Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a well-known cleric, attacked the University people calling them the most indecent people. In April 2008, four leading clerics namely Abdollah Javadi Amoli, Ebrahim Amini, Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi and Mohammed Emami-Kashani criticized Iranian Universities, University students and Iranian Higher education system as being secular, non-Islamic, indecent and

neg: Iranian Intermezzo (), also known as the Samanid Empire or simply Samanids (819–999) ( "Sāmāniyān") was an Iranian empire in Central Asia and Greater Khorasan, named after its founder Saman Khuda who converted to Sunni Islam despite being from Zoroastrian theocratic nobility. With their roots stemming from the city of Balkh (in present-day Afghanistan), the Samanids promoted the arts, giving rise to the advancement of science and literature, and thus attracted scholars such as Rudaki and Avicenna. While under Samanid control, Bukhara was a rival to Baghdad in its glory. Scholars note that the Samanids revived Persian more than the Buyids and

neg: Joseph Smith as the only prophet allowed to issue commandments "as Moses". This religious authority encompassed economic and political as well as spiritual matters. For instance, in the early 1830s, he temporarily instituted a form of religious communism, called the United Order, that required Latter Day Saints to give all their property to the church, which was divided among the faithful. He also envisioned that the theocratic institutions he established would have a role in the worldwide political organization of the Millennium. By the mid-1830s, Smith began teaching a hierarchy of three priesthoods—the Melchizedek, the Aaronic, and the Patriarchal. Each priesthood was

neg: Ahmad Shamlou by writing poems devoted to political and social critique even after the Iranian Revolution. In 1976, he left his country as a form of protest against censorship and the suffocating political atmosphere. In 1977, one year before the collapse of Shah's Regime, he signed an open letter which supported the rights of gathering for members of The Writers Association of Iran. New Islamic regime wasn't favorable to him, considering him as an anti-Islamist nationalist element, a traitor and a Westernised writer. However, with a view to his popularity, the ruling clerics could not arrest him, but at the same time

neg: Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari affairs is perfectly compatible with the correct interpretation of the Leadership of the Jurists. Before the revolution, Shariatmadari wanted a return to the system of constitutional monarchy that was enacted in the Iranian Constitution of 1906. He encouraged peaceful demonstrations to avoid bloodshed. According to such a system, the Shah's power was limited and the ruling of the country was mostly in the hands of the people through a parliamentary system. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the then Shah of Iran, and his allies, however, took the pacifism of clerics such as Shariatmadari as a sign of weakness. The Shah's government declared

neg: Hassan Shariatmadari and lives in Hamburg, Germany. Hassan Shariatmadari Hassan Shariatmadari (born 1947) is an Iranian opposition politician and a leading proponent of the Free Elections Movement (Jonbeshe Entekhabate Azad) in Iran. He is the son of Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Kazem Shariatmadari (one of the most powerful Shia clerics of Iran in the 1960s and 70s). During the Pahlavi regime, he supported his father’s position that the Shah’s authority should be limited to what had been specified in the Constitutional revolution of 1906, and that a democratic parliament should be in charge of running the country instead of the monarchy taking an

neg: Hassan Shariatmadari Hassan Shariatmadari Hassan Shariatmadari (born 1947) is an Iranian opposition politician and a leading proponent of the Free Elections Movement (Jonbeshe Entekhabate Azad) in Iran. He is the son of Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Kazem Shariatmadari (one of the most powerful Shia clerics of Iran in the 1960s and 70s). During the Pahlavi regime, he supported his father’s position that the Shah’s authority should be limited to what had been specified in the Constitutional revolution of 1906, and that a democratic parliament should be in charge of running the country instead of the monarchy taking an active role in ruling Iran.

neg: Military history of Iran its founder Saman Khuda who converted to Sunni Islam despite being from Zoroastrian theocratic nobility. It was among the first native Iranian dynasties in Greater Iran and Central Asia after the Arab conquest and the collapse of the Sassanid Persian empire. The Ziyarids, also spelled Zeyarids (زیاریان or آل زیار), were an Iranian dynasty that ruled in the Caspian sea provinces of Gorgan and Mazandaran from 930-1090 (also known as Tabaristan). The founder of the dynasty was Mardavij (from 930 to 935), who took advantage of a rebellion in the Samanid army of Iran to seize power in northern Iran.

neg: Kazem Rajavi he resigned his post in protest to the "repressive policies and terrorist activities of the ruling clerics in Iran". He then intensified his campaign against mass executions, arbitrary arrests, and torture carried out by Iran's theocratic leadership. He became the representative of the opposition National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in Switzerland where he was a Geneva university professor. 162 members of Congress referred to Rajavi "a great advocate of human rights, who had dedicated his life to establishment of democracy in his homeland." Dr Rajavi had received several threats from agents of the Islamic Republic of Iran, but

neg: Pope Innocent VIII response to the request of Dominican Heinrich Kramer for explicit authority to prosecute witchcraft in Germany, after he was refused assistance by the local ecclesiastical authorities, who disputed his authority to work in their dioceses. Some scholars view the bull as "clearly political", motivated by jurisdictional disputes between the local German Catholic priests and clerics from the Office of the Inquisition who answered more directly to the pope. Nonetheless, the bull failed to ensure that Kramer obtained the support he had hoped for, causing him to retire and to compile his views on witchcraft into his book "Malleus Maleficarum", which

neg: Political thought and legacy of Ruhollah Khomeini interviews, and political pronouncements "there would have been no Khomeinism [ideology]. Without Khomeinism there would have been no revolution. And without the Islamic Revolution, Khomeini would have been no more than a footnote to Iranian history." Outside of his doctrinal beliefs, Khomeini has also been noted for being a "brilliant tactician," with a great "ability to improvise." Khomeini once protested the shah's enfranchisement of women, and then encouraged women to participate in his revolution and vote for his government when he needed their numbers. He once promised that clerics would hold only temporary positions in government and then allowed them